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ABee

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That both the US Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo and the Secretary of Defence, Mark Esper, will be flying down at this time, particularly during the COVID-19 outbreak, to meet Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, is a sign of the strong ties between the Indian government and the Trump administration. Keeping that in mind, it was felt that just a virtual meeting would not be enough.
This must be serious, the US is in the middle of an election and covid, and two top officials are coming all the way across to India, something is not right about all this.
 

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Moving closer militarily, India and the US today said they were going to sign the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for Geo-Spatial Cooperation (BECA) during the 2+2 meeting on Tuesday.

In a signal to China on the possible expansion of military ties against it, the American side welcomed the inclusion of Australia into the Malabar wargames to be held next month near Indian waters at the talks with India.

The announcement was made after the meeting between Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh with his American counterpart Mark Esper, who is in India along with the US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo for the India-US 2+2 meeting to be held tomorrow.

The BECA agreement will be signed during the at the 2+2 meeting at Hyderabad House which would enhance the geospatial cooperation between them and it is likely to help in the field of improving the accuracy of missile systems of India.
twitter.com/rajnathsingh/status/1320684562670706689
The importance attached to the visit by the Indian side could be seen as it was attended by the who's who of the Indian defence establishment including the Chief of Defence Staff General Bipin Rawat, the three services chiefs and DRDO chief Dr G Satheesh Reddy.

The American side was also represented by all four of its defence forces along with its ambassador to India Kenneth Juster.
In the meeting chaired by the defence ministers, the two sides discussed the potential new areas of cooperation at both service-to-service as well as the joint level and called for continuing dialogue mechanisms especially at the Military Cooperation Group, the Defence Ministry said in a statement.

"The two ministers expressed satisfaction that the agreement of BECA will be signed during the visit. The US Defence Secretary welcomed Australia's participation in the Malabar 2020 exercise," the ministry stated.

The two sides also reviewed the existing bilateral defence cooperation spanning from communications systems, information sharing, defence trade and industrial issues and ways of taking the cooperation forward.

INDIA, US DISCUSS CHINA'S BORDER AGGRESSION

Meanwhile, sources said the issue of the aggression by the Chinese People's Liberation Army along Indian borders had come up during the deliberations between the two sides as well as the cooperation between them during this period.

The American side, which included representatives from the Defence Security Cooperation Agency, also made offers to expand the security cooperation between the two countries to newer areas in hardware cooperation between them, they said.

India and China have been engaged in a military standoff since April-May when China's People's Liberation Army had transgressed into multiple areas into the Indian territory.

Post that development, India has more than matched the Chinese aggression and captured strategic heights along the Line of Actual Control along both the Northern and Southern banks of the Pangong lake in Eastern Ladakh.

The two sides are still negotiating disengagement and de-escalation from all friction points identified by the two countries.
 

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China right to be concerned about Quad alliance’s bright future, analysts say​

  • After unpromising beginning, US, Japan, India and Australia grouping is finding renewed common ground against Beijing
  • Revival coincides with increasingly tense relations on a growing range of issues between the four countries and China
After initially dismissing the strategic partnership between
the US, Japan, India and Australia
– known as the Quad – analysts say Beijing is growing more cautious about the informal, implicitly anti-China alliance.
During a nationally televised press conference in March 2018, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi referred to the grouping as nothing more than “
sea foam on the Pacific and Indian oceans
” that would eventually dissipate. At the time, all the signs suggested he was correct.
China and India had just agreed to back away from their months-long military stand-off in the Himalayas, while a trade war with the US seemed to be merely rhetorical. And diplomats in Beijing and Tokyo were busily preparing for an ice-breaking trip to Japan by Chinese Premier Li Keqiang for the 40th anniversary celebrations of the two countries’ peace and friendship treaty, after a decade of confrontation.
Two years later, the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue – to give the Quad its full title – is steadily advancing cooperation between the four countries, with renewed interest in the grouping from India and Australia, which are each experiencing friction in their relations with China.


In a move likely to dismay Beijing,
Australia has accepted India’s invitation to join next month’s Malabar naval exercise
, along with the US and Japan, 13 years after it last took part. It will be the first time the four countries have held a joint military exercise of this size.

Explained: the history of China’s territorial disputes



Australia’s participation was announced just days after the Quad’s foreign ministers held an inaugural four-way summit in Tokyo where they also discussed supply chain resilience in the Indo-Pacific region as part of a joint effort to counter China’s trade dominance.

The renewed momentum is in sharp contrast to the early days of the Quad – first proposed by Japan’s then prime minister Shinzo Abe in 2007 – which quickly fell apart after Australia and India stepped back in response to protests from Beijing.

“At the beginning the [Quad] mechanism was not only about security, it also had an economic dimension in the Indo-Pacific region. But recently it has become more and more focused on security, with China as the potential rival,” said Wu Shichun, president of China’s National Institute for South China Sea Studies, a government-backed think tank.
Lavina Lee, a senior lecturer in international relations at Macquarie University in Sydney, said the inclusion of Australia – currently at loggerheads with Beijing over trade, spy accusations and the origins of the
Covid-19 pandemic
– in the Malabar naval exercise “certainly should make China less dismissive of the Quad”.

India also appeared to have changed its mind about the Quad, particularly in the light of its renewed border dispute with China in the Himalayan region, Lee said.

New Delhi had long been reluctant to follow the other three countries in their converging views on China over concerns Beijing could retaliate with border action or through support for India’s fierce rival Pakistan, she said.
“New Delhi has realised that China will continue to push to change the status quo on its border with India, and previous attempts by India to smooth over relations have not changed this aim.”

The latest revival of the Quad comes at a time of strained relations between the US and China, and Washington has been the driving force behind it in recent months, according to William Choong, a senior fellow at ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore.

During the Tokyo summit earlier this month, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo appealed for like-minded democracies to counter what he called the Communist Party’s “exploitation, corruption and coercion”. The other three foreign ministers refrained from mentioning China, but observers said Beijing had reason to worry.
“That’s the general principle – that China has suspicions over any multilateral arrangement involving major powers surrounding China – and the Quad would tick all the right boxes,” Choong said.

Beijing has appeared to play up its concerns over Washington’s Indo-Pacific strategy and the Quad. Last month, China’s deputy foreign minister Luo Zhaohui described the grouping as “an anti-China frontline” or “mini Nato”, which he said reflected America’s “cold war mentality”.
And during his visit to Kuala Lumpur last week, Wang publicly slammed the grouping as an “
Indo-Pacific Nato
” which he warned would severely undermine regional security.
Derek Grossman, a senior defence analyst with Rand Corporation, said Beijing’s changing tone could shed light on its increasing unease that “the Quad could actually wind up amounting to a military alliance that would cause China trouble in future combat”.

“On the other hand, and to be more cynical, Beijing may not be worried about the Quad at all, but it nevertheless makes sense to play up the threat – especially using the term ‘Nato’ to describe it – to fuel China’s containment narrative and convince others of the Quad’s ill intentions,” he said.
It remains an open question how far or how soon the grouping may be formalised as a treaty alliance like Nato, but observers in the region said that would largely depend on Beijing.

In contrast to 2007 when it was given an early burial, the future of the Quad seems bright with the four countries sharing deep concerns over Beijing’s growing influence and increasingly aggressive and assertive behaviours in the region.

Joint efforts are now seen as “not a choice but a national security imperative” to contain Beijing’s aggressive postures in the region, said Harsh Pant, head of the strategic studies programme at the Observer Research Foundation in Delhi.
“If China’s foreign policy trajectory remains what it is, then the future of Quad is quite bright. There is a wider pushback against China across the region, and Quad is just another manifestation of that trend,” he said.
But Choong said the US presidential election would also play a role in determining the fate of the Quad.
“If the polls are right and Biden becomes president, I think the new administration will put some time into re-evaluating the Quad and Indo-Pacific strategy in general, and how the US will work with allies and partners on the issue of China,” he said.

 

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Nilgiri

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Taking forward the synergy achieved in the recently concluded Phase 1 of Exercise Malabar 2020, which was conducted in the Bay of Bengal from 03 to 06 November 2020, this phase will involve coordinated operations of increasing complexity between the navies of Australia, India, Japan and the United States.


Phase 2 of Exercise MALABAR 2020 will witness joint operations, centered around the Vikramaditya Carrier Battle Group of the Indian Navy and Nimitz Carrier Strike Group of the US Navy. The two carriers, along with other ships, submarine and aircraft of the participating navies, would be engaged in high intensity naval operations over four days. These exercises include cross-deck flying operations and advanced air defence exercises by MIG 29K fighters of Vikramaditya andF-18 fighters and E2C Hawkeye from Nimitz. In addition, advanced surface and anti-submarine warfare exercises, seamanship evolutions and weapon firings will also be undertaken to further enhance inter-operability and synergy between the four friendly navies.

In addition to Vikramaditya and its fighter and helicopter air-wings, indigenous destroyers Kolkata and Chennai, stealth frigate Talwar, Fleet Support Ship Deepak and integral helicopters will also participate in the exercise, led by Rear Admiral Krishna Swaminathan, Flag Officer Commanding Western Fleet. Indigenously built submarine Khanderi and P8I maritime reconnaissance aircraft of the Indian Navy will also showcase their capabilities during the exercise.


US Navy’s Strike Carrier Nimitz will be accompanied by cruiser Princeton and destroyer Sterett in addition to P8A maritime reconnaissance aircraft. The Royal Australian Navy will be represented by frigate Ballarat along with its integral helicopter. JMSDF will also participate in the exercise.


The Malabar series of exercises, which began as an annual bilateral naval exercise between India and the US in 1992, has seen increasing scope and complexity over the years. The 24th edition of MALABAR, which is being presently undertaken, highlights enhanced convergence of views amongst the four vibrant democracies on maritime issues, and showcases their commitment to an open, inclusive Indo-Pacific and a rules-based international order.
 

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For the first time, the naval exercise is being held off both East and West coasts



By Ajai Shukla

Business Standard, 17th Nov 20




Signalling the growing prominence of the Indian Ocean region in the security calculus of the four Quadrilateral (Quad) member-countries, their navies will conduct the second phase of joint Exercise Malabar 2020 from Tuesday to Friday in the Northern Arabian Sea.



The first phase was conducted in the Bay of Bengal from November 3 to 6. This is the first time that Exercise Malabar will be conducted off India’s eastern as well as western seaboards in the same year.



“Taking forward the synergy achieved in the recently concluded Phase 1 of Exercise Malabar 2020, which was conducted in the Bay of Bengal from November 03 to 06, this phase will involve coordinated operations of increasing complexity between the navies of Australia, India, Japan and the United States,” stated a Ministry of Defence (MoD) release on Monday.



After a relatively low-key first phase, the second phase will see the muscular participation of two aircraft carrier battle groups – centred on the US navy’s strike carrier, USS Nimitz; and the Indian Navy’s lone carrier, INS Vikramaditya.



For the first time in a joint exercise with foreign partners, India will field its latest Scorpene submarine, INS Khanderi, which was commissioned in September 2019. The navy’s willingness to expose this frontline platform to intensive monitoring by all participants in the exercise denotes a high level of mutual trust.



Besides INS Vikramaditya and INS Khanderi, the Indian Navy will also field two indigenous destroyers, INS Kolkata and INS Chennai, a frigate, INS Talwar, and a Fleet Support Ship, INS Deepak. The air complement will include each ship’s integral helicopters and P-8I maritime reconnaissance aircraft.



From the US Navy, the aircraft carrier Nimitz will be accompanied by a cruiser, USS Princeton and a destroyer USS Sterett. In addition, US Navy P-8A maritime reconnaissance aircraft will also participate.



Australia will participate with the frigate HMAS Ballarat, while Japan will field a destroyer, Japan Maritime Self Defence Ship (JMSDF) Onami.



The four-day exercise will see the participants rehearsing “high intensity naval operations… of increasing complexity,” stated the MoD. “These include cross-deck flying operations and advanced air defence exercises by MIG 29K fighters of INS Vikramaditya and F-18 fighters and E2C Hawkeye from USS Nimitz.”



In its essentials, that will involve coordinating ways of controlling airspace. The E2C Hawkeye airborne early warning (AEW) aircraft, flying from USS Nimitz, would be used for detecting over-the-horizon enemy airborne threats. The information would then be passed onto Indian Navy MiG-29K and US Navy F-18E/F Super Hornet fighters, which would attack and destroy the enemy aircraft.



“In addition, advanced surface and anti-submarine warfare exercises, seamanship evolutions and weapon firings will also be undertaken to further enhance inter-operability and synergy between the four friendly navies,” said the MoD.



Cooperation between the navies is also enhanced through logistics agreements that India has signed with the other participating countries and through a communications security pact and geo-spatial cooperation agreement that New Delhi has signed with Washington.



For the Indian Navy, the exercise provides a valuable opportunity to learn aircraft carrier and anti-submarine operations from the US Navy, which is the acknowledged world leader in these fields.



At the political level, a quadrilateral Exercise Malabar powerfully signals the emergence of resistance to China’s growing assertiveness. The bilateral US-India joint exercise that first began in 1992 became a trilateral exercise when Japan joined in 2015, and a quadrilateral exercise with Australia joining this year.



“The 24th edition of Malabar, which is being presently undertaken, highlights enhanced convergence of views amongst the four vibrant democracies on maritime issues, and showcases their commitment to an open, inclusive Indo-Pacific and a rules-based international order,” stated the MoD.
 

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New Delhi, Dec 10 (ANI): Japanese Chief of Staff of Air Force, General Izutsu Shunji received Guard of Honour at the Air Headquarters in Delhi on December 10. He will meet Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, Chief of Defence Staff General Bipin Rawat later on the day. Shunji also met Indian Air Force Chief RKS Bhadauria. The two Chiefs are holding a bilateral conference to discuss ways of further strengthening military ties between India and Japan.

 

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Amid tensions at LAC, China tacitly accepts India's supremacy in Indian ocean region​

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The ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has accepted, grudgingly, that India has unique geographical advantages in the Indian ocean.

As per an article published in its mouthpiece Global Times, under the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) to the Indo-Pacific groupings, New Delhi has been able to leverage the advantage with more and more countries joining Indian-led initiatives.

In fact, with Indo-Pacific construct, India is connecting Indian and Pacific oceans from the east coast of Africa to the west coast of the Americas, and as External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar said, "Indo-Pacific is not tomorrow’s forecast but yesterday’s reality."


In an article on December 17 titled 'India changes attitude toward multilateral mechanisms for global ambition', Hu Shisheng, Director, Institute for South Asian Studies at the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations, pointed out, "India has also taken the lead in planning small-scale multilateral cooperation mechanisms in the Indian Ocean."

India has expanded its role in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) in the last few years, from Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) to supplying food and medical aid amidst the COVID-19 pandemic to five countries of the Indian Ocean namely Maldives, Mauritius, Madagascar, Comoros, and Seychelles.

Earlier in 2019, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had proposed the Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI), under which countries like Australia, Japan, and ASEAN grouping has expressed willingness to work with India on issues like maritime security to transport.

In fact, in what looks like a taunt, but is more a reminder for itself, the write-up says, "India wants to be the net security provider of the Indian Ocean."

While New Delhi hasn't said so, it is seen as a 'Preferred Security Partner'.

India's Information Fusion Centre at Gurugram, which keeps an eye on the movement of ships in the Indian ocean is emerging as the nodal centre for real-time information in the region. The US and France have sent their liaison officers already, with more countries joining in. Under its defence training programmes, India has provided mobile training teams to eleven countries from Vietnam to South Africa, as well as Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Myanmar.

The Chinese Communist Party's indignation via its mouth-piece about India's 'Sinophobic, pro-West' diplomacy comes as no surprise. While Beijing sees India drifting away, it forgets how it opposed New Delhi's bid for Nuclear Suppliers Group or the UN Security Council.

The year 2020 saw an increasingly aggressive China, which not only violated agreements on buildups at the Line of Actual Control (LAC) but also indulged in actions such as in Galwan valley where 20 Indian soldiers were killed in action.

Beijing is already perturbed by Quad meetings and Australia being invited to the Malabar exercises and the country perhaps failed to understand or recall the outreach by New Delhi in form of informal summits -- in Wuhan and then the Chennai connect. But past is past, as the world woke up to a new China, an aggressive one amidst the coronavirus outbreak.

https://zeenews.india.com/india/ami...supremacy-in-indian-ocean-region-2331956.html
 

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Boeing has received a licence from the U.S. government to offer its F-15EX fighter jet to the Indian air force, a senior executive said on Thursday.


Boeing will compete with Sweden's Gripen and France's Rafale among others for the Indian air force's plan to buy 114 multi-role aircraft to replace its Soviet-era fleet.


Ankur Kanaglekar, director, India Fighters Lead, Boeing Defense, Space & Security, told reporters discussions on the F-15EX had taken place earlier between the two governments.



"Now that we have the marketing licence it allows us to talk to the Indian Air Force directly about the capability of the fighter. We have started doing that in a small way," he said, adding conversations were expected to gather pace during the Aero India show next week.


India and the United States have built close defence ties, with the Indian military buying over $20 billion worth of weapons in the last 15 years.


Lockheed Martin is also pitching its F-21 fighter to the Indian air force, offering to build the plane in the country to win the deal estimated to be worth more than $18 billion.
Source:
 

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View attachment 12945
Boeing has received a licence from the U.S. government to offer its F-15EX fighter jet to the Indian air force, a senior executive said on Thursday.


Boeing will compete with Sweden's Gripen and France's Rafale among others for the Indian air force's plan to buy 114 multi-role aircraft to replace its Soviet-era fleet.


Ankur Kanaglekar, director, India Fighters Lead, Boeing Defense, Space & Security, told reporters discussions on the F-15EX had taken place earlier between the two governments.



"Now that we have the marketing licence it allows us to talk to the Indian Air Force directly about the capability of the fighter. We have started doing that in a small way," he said, adding conversations were expected to gather pace during the Aero India show next week.


India and the United States have built close defence ties, with the Indian military buying over $20 billion worth of weapons in the last 15 years.


Lockheed Martin is also pitching its F-21 fighter to the Indian air force, offering to build the plane in the country to win the deal estimated to be worth more than $18 billion.
Source:
India won't buy them unfortunately,I think because there is existing program of upgradation of su30mki to super sukhoi(heavy category aircraft as that of f15EX)
+maintenance problem,logistical problems.
Overall f15EX is a good fighter jet though for that role.
 
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We've been offered every latest version of US 4th gen fighters from growlers to super-hornets with the most lucrative deal coming from LM in regards to the F-16 Blk-70/72. I wouldn't be surprised if we're offered the F-35 down the lane but IAF has streamlined it's acquisition process in recent times, induct more indigenous platforms while maintain commonality with the existing fleet for which I believe there's a high possibility for another Rafale order if IAF feels the need for stop-gap fighters until MWF is up and running

Secondly, F-15 falls under the heavy category (Su-30 class) and IAF has over 240 of em currently. There were reports that additional Mig-29s and Su-30s were ordered. What IAF currently needs is a medium category fighter
 
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Nilgiri

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Would like to discuss the above article with any interested/willing members.

I feel it is a good enough launching point for what are member's thoughts, projections and analysis (if you have any at this point) for US-India (geopolitical) ties this year and say the 1st biden (4 year) term at large...w.r.t the context of a 4 year Trump term and earlier 8 year Obama term etc.

Please keep the discussion as focused as possible...any criticism of any country is to be directed at political establishment only etc (just like the article does)...and not the people at large. Thanks.

Saiyan seems to detect something is afoot:

We are gonna end up missing trump arent we? :p


IMO, the broad early priority contours (for India) with Biden admin this year for FATF coming up (February and whatever the next date after that is if say grey listing continues at the Feb meeting, since February is quite early tbh) will be whether US is serious to pressure Malaysia (they can do so like has been shown with GCC earlier) govt on well-deserved (IMO) FATF blacklisting....like the article's author also highlights.

Given clearly Indian diplomacy alone did not/could not achieve this (at least so far in time/effort alloted) w.r.t Malaysia in the last meeting (october?) even under non-Mahathir admin (though again it might have been a case of insufficient time, discussion and negotiations etc at that juncture)

This can be presented (by Indian MEA) as an avenue (for Biden admin) to help dissipate any attrition (in relations) that stems from S-400 sanctions Biden admin is already strongly insinuating will arrive soon. I will give Biden admin major kudos over the Trump admin if they achieve this...it of course remains to be seen.

It will also coordinate handily with increased presence the Biden Admin wants to level up in AFG theatre. (Though this cooperation can be done separately by India if FATF is a no-go).

It can be looked at as a changed geopolitical headwind (w.r.t trump tenure/inertia) for India to orient w.r.t keeping strong strategic bipartisan + stable cooperation with US going in that if there is less "Quad"/"Pompeo" kind of stuff (due to S-400 issue surfacing again now)

US likely ramping + persisting a (larger + impactful) deployment there suits India's interests lot more (compared to Trump admin), it will not need to factor in for this decade some vaguer notion of skeletal "Blackwater" help to ANA and Afghan govt.

So India can be smart to use any S-400 sanctions (and any other planned friction points) as a silver lining...given the Biden admin would very likely be most receptive to this looking at some of the names+legacies in the cabinet (esp Blinken).

I give another potential silver lining for India on this S-400 matter here too (at bottom of post, though the context is different):

https://defencehub.live/threads/indian-tedbf-–-sneak-peek.4564/#post-47823

I don't get the impression at all that Biden admin wants to take the relationship backwards in any way...so there is thus scope for shifting marbles from one cup to another since both sides now have a number of these arrayed in table between them.

All the downstream verbal accoutrements (in official statements, media dissemination etc) and tolerable scope for these for next 4 years etc... can also be pre-planned and organised in say first half of this year by US state dept and Indian MEA if they both are attuned to all of this (Which I think is likely ever since the Bush + MMS admins nuclear deal etc.)

Would like to hear any of your thoughts/comments if you feel like sharing them.

@Paro @Joe Shearer @Kartal1 @VCheng @Milspec @#comcom @Madokafc @Zapper @Jackdaws et al.
 

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It all depends on Kabul. My guess is Trump pushed the Afghan admin to accept a deal with the Taliban. How anyone in his right mind can make a deal with the Taliban and expect them to keep their end of the bargain deserves its own thesis in stupidity - the Bible for that would "Art of the Deal".

Biden will revisit the deal and it will collapse. Pak is going to be disappointed.
 

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It all depends on Kabul. My guess is Trump pushed the Afghan admin to accept a deal with the Taliban. How anyone in his right mind can make a deal with the Taliban and expect them to keep their end of the bargain deserves its own thesis in stupidity - the Bible for that would "Art of the Deal".

Biden will revisit the deal and it will collapse. Pak is going to be disappointed.
Well Pakistan has still advantage nonetheless,they would receive US aid if US troops stay and probably more weaponry or even upgraded f16s and not to forget Pakistan could blackmail US for its advantage.
The US troops are stuck into abyss
 

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