China’s Moves Toward Uyghur Families Should Shock Our Consciousness and Spur Action

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Imagine not knowing the whereabouts and condition of your parents, children, brothers, sisters. For many Uyghurs abroad, that is the daily reality.

“You don’t know how he died; you don’t know when he died. And you can’t even kiss him for one last time.”

These are the words of Uyghur poet Fatimah Abdulghafur. Fatimah lives in Australia. In September 2020 she learned of the death of her father Ghopur Hapiz, almost two years after he had passed. Her father was most likely detained in an internment camp in March 2017; however, Fatimah is unsure of the exact details. She last spoke to her father in April 2016. Since then and until September, the Chinese government had not revealed any details about his whereabouts or condition; not when he was interned, not when he probably received a 10-year prison sentence for his travel overseas, and not even when he died.

The Chinese government’s actions defy description, must shock the conscience, and spur action. Ghopur was an innocent man. One could say he was persecuted because of his Uyghur ethnicity, but that would assume Chinese officials regarded Uyghurs as humans. They do not. The fate of Ghopur and the trauma of Fatimah are one piece in the larger genocide of my people.

If governments or multilateral organizations are lost as to how to tackle the enormity of ending the Uyghur nightmare, one important action to take is to publicly demand China come clean about the whereabouts and condition of Uyghurs reported as missing by their overseas relatives. The mass concealment of this information is a grave violation of rights standards and a moral violence on the Uyghur community.

In the past months, a handful of Uyghurs worldwide have been informed of the death or imprisonment of relatives only after long periods of advocacy and uncertainty. These few cases represent the surface of the issue and come in response to individual requests for information from state and multilateral bodies.

Abduherim Gheni, a resident of the Netherlands, received a response from the Chinese authorities only after submitting a request for information through the Dutch Foreign Ministry. Abduherim’s request listed 19 relatives whose whereabouts and condition remained undisclosed. On September 29, he was informed five of them had been handed prison sentences ranging from three to 16-and-a-half years. The welfare of the other 14 relatives remains unknown.

A few days before that, on September 26, Dr. Sulayman Aziz, an epidemiologist based in the United States, tweeted his brother, Alim, had received a 17-year prison sentence. Sulayman had spent four years seeking information on Alim.

Fatimah, meanwhile, only learned about her father’s death after she reported his disappearance to the United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances in April 2019. China replied approximately a year and a half after she submitted the report. The delay is clearly unacceptable; however, nothing was said to the Chinese government.

We should not give the impression of being grateful to China for revealing basic information about people whose welfare they command; there are too many Uyghurs demanding information and waiting just to hear one word about the fate of their loved ones.

It is hard to imagine not knowing the whereabouts and condition of your parents, children, brothers, sisters, and other people close to you. For many Uyghurs, this has been the reality for over four years while hearing news daily about mass internments, coerced labor, forced sterilizations, and long prison sentences. Clearly, the most destructive force on the Uyghur family is the Chinese government. Uyghurs, like anyone, have a right to family life and unity. By denying us this basic measure of dignity, the Chinese government is denying our very humanity.

The U.N. Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules) clearly state family members should be notified in the event of imprisonment, illness, or death of a detained individual. The standards were adopted by the UN General Assembly on December 17, 2015. While I emphatically dispute the pretexts for mass detentions of Uyghurs, China has an obligation to inform family members of the whereabouts and condition of all detained individuals.

International actors, especially states where Uyghurs reside and multilateral organizations, should make every effort to systematically document missing relatives, not just individual cases, and ensure disclosure of their welfare is a priority in relations with China. Otherwise, we are tacitly accepting this barbarity and setting new rules for the behavior of China and other states committing genocide. As Uyghurs, we demand the return of our humanity.

Omer Kanat is executive director of the Uyghur Human Rights Project.

 

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Imagine not knowing the whereabouts and condition of your parents, children, brothers, sisters. For many Uyghurs abroad, that is the daily reality.

“You don’t know how he died; you don’t know when he died. And you can’t even kiss him for one last time.”

These are the words of Uyghur poet Fatimah Abdulghafur. Fatimah lives in Australia. In September 2020 she learned of the death of her father Ghopur Hapiz, almost two years after he had passed. Her father was most likely detained in an internment camp in March 2017; however, Fatimah is unsure of the exact details. She last spoke to her father in April 2016. Since then and until September, the Chinese government had not revealed any details about his whereabouts or condition; not when he was interned, not when he probably received a 10-year prison sentence for his travel overseas, and not even when he died.

The Chinese government’s actions defy description, must shock the conscience, and spur action. Ghopur was an innocent man. One could say he was persecuted because of his Uyghur ethnicity, but that would assume Chinese officials regarded Uyghurs as humans. They do not. The fate of Ghopur and the trauma of Fatimah are one piece in the larger genocide of my people.

If governments or multilateral organizations are lost as to how to tackle the enormity of ending the Uyghur nightmare, one important action to take is to publicly demand China come clean about the whereabouts and condition of Uyghurs reported as missing by their overseas relatives. The mass concealment of this information is a grave violation of rights standards and a moral violence on the Uyghur community.

In the past months, a handful of Uyghurs worldwide have been informed of the death or imprisonment of relatives only after long periods of advocacy and uncertainty. These few cases represent the surface of the issue and come in response to individual requests for information from state and multilateral bodies.

Abduherim Gheni, a resident of the Netherlands, received a response from the Chinese authorities only after submitting a request for information through the Dutch Foreign Ministry. Abduherim’s request listed 19 relatives whose whereabouts and condition remained undisclosed. On September 29, he was informed five of them had been handed prison sentences ranging from three to 16-and-a-half years. The welfare of the other 14 relatives remains unknown.

A few days before that, on September 26, Dr. Sulayman Aziz, an epidemiologist based in the United States, tweeted his brother, Alim, had received a 17-year prison sentence. Sulayman had spent four years seeking information on Alim.

Fatimah, meanwhile, only learned about her father’s death after she reported his disappearance to the United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances in April 2019. China replied approximately a year and a half after she submitted the report. The delay is clearly unacceptable; however, nothing was said to the Chinese government.

We should not give the impression of being grateful to China for revealing basic information about people whose welfare they command; there are too many Uyghurs demanding information and waiting just to hear one word about the fate of their loved ones.

It is hard to imagine not knowing the whereabouts and condition of your parents, children, brothers, sisters, and other people close to you. For many Uyghurs, this has been the reality for over four years while hearing news daily about mass internments, coerced labor, forced sterilizations, and long prison sentences. Clearly, the most destructive force on the Uyghur family is the Chinese government. Uyghurs, like anyone, have a right to family life and unity. By denying us this basic measure of dignity, the Chinese government is denying our very humanity.

The U.N. Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules) clearly state family members should be notified in the event of imprisonment, illness, or death of a detained individual. The standards were adopted by the UN General Assembly on December 17, 2015. While I emphatically dispute the pretexts for mass detentions of Uyghurs, China has an obligation to inform family members of the whereabouts and condition of all detained individuals.

International actors, especially states where Uyghurs reside and multilateral organizations, should make every effort to systematically document missing relatives, not just individual cases, and ensure disclosure of their welfare is a priority in relations with China. Otherwise, we are tacitly accepting this barbarity and setting new rules for the behavior of China and other states committing genocide. As Uyghurs, we demand the return of our humanity.

Omer Kanat is executive director of the Uyghur Human Rights Project.

It's a shame that most muslim countries back China on this.

No oppression stays forever and when it ends, this will haunt them in years to come.
 

Saithan

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what happened???
I don't know tbh.

But I do know this, if our Uyghur brothers fear for their life in Turkey, then the Turkish government is at fault.


'I Thought It Would Be Safe': Uighurs In Turkey Now Fear China's Long Arm​

March 13, 20209:42 AM ET
Heard on All Things Considered
JOANNA KAKISSIS

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Uighur writer and poet Abdurehim Imin Parach stands in the Zeytinburnu neighborhood of Istanbul. He has been detained twice by Turkish authorities. NPR spoke to more than a dozen Uighurs in Istanbul who detailed how Turkish police arrested them and sent them to deportation centers, sometimes for months, without telling them why they had been detained.


Abdurehim Imin Parach often looks over his shoulder when he walks around Istanbul. He worries that he is being followed, just as he was last year when two Turkish plainclothes policemen escorted him out of a restaurant in the city and told him he was under arrest.

"They didn't say why they were arresting me," says Parach, 44, an ethnic Uighur who landed in Turkey more than five years ago after fleeing his home in China's Xinjiang region. "At the police station they tried to get me to sign a statement saying I was a terrorist. They beat me, but I wouldn't sign it. Then they sent me to a deportation center."
It was a cold, dark building hundreds of miles away from Istanbul. Parach says he met at least 20 other Uighurs there, all expecting to be deported.

Then, after three months, he was released without explanation. Turkish authorities urged him not to speak out against China.
Parach suspects China was behind his arrest. He has criticized China's treatment of his people for years and had to flee the country after repeated detentions.


"When you stand against China," he says, "you are a threat wherever you are."

China's government considers many members of the Uighur ethnic minority to be "terrorists" and "separatists." It has imprisoned them on a mass scale and has turned Xinjiang into one of the world's most tightly controlled police states.
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A Uighur bakery is seen with the Uighur writing obscured in the Zeytinburnu neighborhood of Istanbul. Most Uighurs who left Xinjiang within the past five years live in two neighborhoods in Istanbul, Zeytinburnu and Sefakoy.

As a result, many Uighurs have fled to Turkey, which they have traditionally viewed as a refuge and an advocate for their rights. Now, many Uighurs in Istanbul tell NPR they fear China is pressuring Turkey to threaten them.

Parach believes he was targeted after he published a book of poetry describing China's oppression of Uighurs. In a quiet corner of a spicy-noodles diner, he unzips his backpack and pulls out the book, Breathing in Exile. The book's cover includes a moody drawing of Tian Shan (or in Uighur, Tengri Tagh) the Central Asian mountain range that's known as the "mountains of heaven."

He flips to a verse describing how Uighurs feel: lost, dislocated, swallowed up by the night. The verse translates roughly as: "We await a thundering so great/that it shatters stars/that it awakens fate/to save us from a void of eternal scars."

The book came out in December 2018 as China was making international headlines for imprisoning more than a million Uighurs and other Muslim minorities in reeducation camps to counter what it calls extremist ideologies.
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Anwar is a Uighur activist who has been arrested twice by Turkish authorities. He believes that his arrests in Turkey were likely related to his activism in campaigning for the freedom of imprisoned Uighurs in China.

Two months later, the Turkish plainclothes police officers arrested him. Parach was shocked and confused. His book criticized China, not Turkey.

"I'm not sure if China is putting pressure directly on the Turkish government to control Uighurs here," Parach says, "or if Chinese agents have infiltrated Turkish society to frame us as terrorists."
NPR spoke to more than a dozen Uighurs in Istanbul who detailed how Turkish police arrested them and sent them to deportation centers, sometimes for months, without telling them why. One Uighur activist in Turkey says he has counted at least 200 such detentions since January 2019, while a lawyer says he has assisted more than 400 Uighurs arrested in the past year.

When you stand against China, you are a threat wherever you are.
Abdurehim Imin Parach, a Uighur poet in Istanbul
All those interviewed suspect China's involvement in the detentions. Most declined to give their full names out of fear they would be targeted again.

A woman in her mid-40s says she was dragged out of her home in the middle of the night as her terrified children watched. A father of three says Turkish authorities imprisoned him along with his entire family, including his young children. Another man was hustled out of his tea shop in front of his confused customers.

The Uighur activist tracking detentions is named Anwar. He says he has been arrested himself — twice, most recently last October when Turkish police plucked him off the Istanbul metro as he was heading to work.

"They didn't ask any questions except, 'Do you want to call the Chinese Embassy?' " says Anwar, 27, a wiry, blunt-talking father of two.
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A woman walks through a shop that sells traditional Uighur clothing and home decorations in Zeytinburnu. Uighurs have infused the neighborhood with the sights, sounds and scents of home.

He didn't call the Chinese Embassy, but he suspects that authorities in China somehow found out about the arrest right away. A couple of hours after his detention, his parents in Xinjiang called his wife in Turkey to tell her about it, he says.

Activists later promoted Anwar's case on social media and hired a lawyer who helped him get out of migrant detention after a few days. Uighurs who can't afford lawyers are not so lucky and can languish in detention centers for months, he says.

Anwar often pickets outside the Chinese Consulate in Istanbul, dressed in prison garb and declaring that East Turkestan, as the Uighurs call Xinjiang, must be free.

Since his release, Turkish authorities have warned Anwar to stop protesting so loudly against China. He says he's trying to understand how the long arm of Beijing could have reached Turkey, where at least 35,000 Uighurs live, according to local leaders.

"I thought it would be safe in Turkey," he says. "But I have nightmares every night that the next time I'm arrested, I will be deported to China."
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Istanbul's Sefakoy neighborhood hosts a sizable Uighur population, which has given rise to a number of Uighur bakeries, restaurants, cafes and community centers.

"A second home"
Uighurs have sought refuge in Turkey for decades. They speak a Turkic language and, like Turks, they practice Islam.

In 1952, the Turkish government offered asylum to Uighurs who were fleeing Xinjiang after its takeover by Chinese Communists. Turkey has granted some form of temporary or permanent residency to Uighur exiles since then.

Ismail Cengiz's father arrived in Turkey in 1953. He had been forced out of his home in Kashgar, a city in far-western China that was on the Silk Road trade route once connecting the country to the Middle East and Europe.

"My father always talked about our home in Kashgar," says Cengiz, 60, a graying, talkative man in black-rimmed glasses. "It made me long for it."
'Somewhere Like Home': Uighur Kids Find A Haven At Boarding School In Turkey

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'Somewhere Like Home': Uighur Kids Find A Haven At Boarding School In Turkey

Born and raised in Turkey, Cengiz advocates for independence for East Turkestan. Some in the community in Istanbul call him "prime minister," and he is often seen at Uighur cafes and restaurants in the city, glad-handing imams and business owners.

"Uighurs really do see Turkey as a second home," Cengiz says. "We want to believe that [the government] would never allow Uighurs to be sent back to China. But what's happening to the newcomers is making them nervous."

Many Uighurs arriving in Turkey since 2014 have struggled to get Turkish residency permits, Cengiz says. Many of them have expired Chinese passports.

"If they try to renew the passports at the Chinese Consulate, the Chinese rip them up," Cengiz says. "Then they hand out documents that allow only for a one-way return to China. After these Nazi-style camps [in Xinjiang], no one wants to go back."
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Three of Aminah Mamatimin's five children have disappeared in China along with her husband. She has no information on where they are being held.

He clicks open his briefcase and takes out a thick folder with photos of Uighurs missing in China, including some who have Turkish citizenship. There's also a list of Uighurs who have been detained by Turkish police.

"Everyone needs to know what's happening to us," he says.
Whenever Cengiz hears about Turkish police arresting Uighurs, he says he writes letters to the immigration service and makes calls to lawmakers and the Interior Ministry. He appeals to the sense of solidarity Turks are said to feel with Muslims around the world.
"I tell them Uighurs have fled their ancestral home out of fear," he says. "They should not have to deal with more fear here in their second home."

Many Uighurs in Turkey live in two Istanbul neighborhoods, Zeytinburnu and Sefakoy. Walk around and you will see Uighur mothers in headscarves and full-face veils pushing their children on playground swings as grandfathers with long white beards pray in nearby mosques. There are Uighur-language schools, boxing clubs, bakeries and cafes scented with saffron-and-cardamom tea. Clothing shops sell red embroidered dresses, ankle-length vests and T-shirts printed with a drawing of a ghijek, a type of fiddle. Bookstores stock Uighur works banned in China, including Parach's poems.
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Posters show images of Aminah Mamatimin's family members who have disappeared. She has heard that her children were hauled off to Chinese military-style schools that are surrounded by barbed wire.

The baby-blue flag of East Turkestan is on every wall. It features the same white crescent and star as Turkey's red flag.

A suspicious call before an arrest
Both flags hang at a cultural center where Aminah Mamatimin meets other Uighur women whose families are missing in China.

Mamatimin, a 29-year-old mother of five, says that until now the relative safety of Turkey has allowed her to publicly mourn her husband and children, who have been missing in China since January 2017.
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This barbershop caters to the Uighur population in the Zeytinburnu neighborhood of Istanbul. Because of strong historical and cultural ties with Turks, Uighurs have sought refuge in Turkey for decades.

She was pregnant with her fifth child when she flew to Turkey with her toddler daughter in 2016. Her husband was supposed to follow with their three older children after closing down his business, but Chinese police arrested him on the charge of "investing in terrorism," Mamatimin says, after he sent her money in Turkey. Then he and the children disappeared. She flips through a poster-size scrapbook of their photos.

Mamatimin has heard that her children were hauled off to Chinese military-style schools surrounded by barbed wire. She worries that Fatima, her frail, sickly 8-year-old daughter, won't survive there.
"Fatima's the one who needs me the most," says Mamatimin, her voice breaking as she flips through her scrapbook. "She's anxious and sometimes wets the bed. She's so shy she won't even speak up when she's hungry. I keep wondering: Is she getting enough to eat? Is she cold? Is she afraid?"

Downstairs at the cultural center, Uighur women run a busy bazaar selling fresh dumplings, dried noodles and colorful skullcaps. A veiled woman steps out of the crowd, holding the hands of two little girls in matching bowl cuts and cherry-print dresses.

She gives her name as Asma and her age, 33, but she is too afraid for her safety to reveal her full name. She unlocks the door to a friend's spice shop, which is closed for the day, and sits down to recount a call she got late last year.

The screen on her cellphone showed a Chinese area code. The man on the line identified himself as a police officer in Xinjiang, where several of Asma's relatives have been forced into camps and prison. She can't confirm that the man was, in fact, a Chinese official, but leaked classified Chinese government documents show that Beijing has made a concerted effort to spy on Uighurs no matter where they are.

The man told me we had to spy on other Uighurs.

Asma, a Uighur resident in Istanbul
"He knew everything about us," she says, referring to herself and her husband. "He even sent us photos of our families in China. The man told me we had to spy on other Uighurs. He said: If you don't, you don't know what bad things might happen to you."

Asma refused to cooperate. A couple of months after that call, Turkish police detained her husband in his tea shop in Zeytinburnu and sent him to a deportation center.
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Women walk through the main street of Zeytinburnu. Turkey has moved closer to China as Turkish relations with the U.S. and the West have grown more tense. In 2018, as Turkey's lira was plummeting, in part because of U.S. sanctions, China gave Turkey a $3.6 billion loan.

Her husband, who declined to give his name, was released after a few weeks. He told NPR that he was so rattled by the arrest that he closed down his shop.

"I have to prove I am Uighur"
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NPR confirmed that Turkey deported at least four Uighurs last summer to Tajikistan.

The deportees had lived in the central Turkish city of Kayseri. They included Zinnetgul Tursun and her two toddler daughters.

Her sister, Jennetgul, who spoke to NPR by phone from her home in Saudi Arabia, remembers her sister calling her last summer from a deportation center in Turkey's west-coast city of Izmir.

"She kept saying, 'You have to bring documents that I am Uighur. I have to prove I am Uighur,' " Jennetgul says.
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A Uighur chef works in his restaurant's kitchen, catering to the Uighur population in the Zeytinburnu neighborhood.

She didn't have the documents her sister needed. A few days later, she lost touch with Zinnetgul. A month later, she heard from their mother in China.

"She had my sister's children and said that the Chinese police had arrested my sister," Jennetgul says. "And then the nightmare began."
Jennetgul has pleaded with Turkish officials to help locate her sister. She says she's heard nothing.

"It's so difficult for me to accept that Turkey did this," she says. "Turkey, the land that is like our home, where the people are like our own."

Turkey's migration office claims Zinnetgul Tursun entered Syria illegally and didn't have valid documents proving she's Uighur — charges her sister denies.
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Uighur community leader Ali Akber Mohammad poses for a photo in his organization's office — with a picture of Tianchi Lake, in Xinjiang, China, in the background — in the Sefakoy neighborhood of Istanbul.

In the past, Turkey has cited security as a reason to arrest migrants, including Uighurs. In 2014, Chinese state media said about 300 Uighurs had joined the Islamic State. Three years later, when an Uzbek gunman loyal to ISIS killed 39 people at a popular Istanbul nightclub during New Year's celebrations, Turkish authorities arrested several Uighurs with suspected extremist ties as part of the investigation into the mass shooting.

"After that tragedy," says Ragip Kutay Karaca, a professor of international relations at Istanbul Aydin University, "the authorities began arresting Uighurs with even the slightest connection to Syria."
Parach, the poet, found himself swept up in this dragnet. His then-11-year-old son, Shehidulla, disappeared in 2014, the same year they both arrived in Turkey. Parach spent years calling Uighur militants in Iraq and Syria in an effort to locate and retrieve his child. In 2017, Turkish authorities arrested Parach on suspicion of terrorism for making those calls.

"I didn't blame them for arresting me then," he says. "It made sense."
Parach learned that Shehidulla likely died in a suicide bombing that the boy may have set off himself. He says he's devastated that his son died "with terrorists."
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Bakers roll out dough in a Uighur bakery in the Sefakoy neighborhood.

The poet's wife, Buhelchem Memet, had talked her husband and son into fleeing to Turkey while she stayed in Xinjiang with their five other children. She hoped her husband could secure a residency permit in Turkey and bring over the rest of the family. But she was soon imprisoned in China. Late last year, Parach heard from someone in the same prison that his wife had died there.

In China's good graces
Just five years ago, Turkish President Recep Tayipp Erdogan declared that he would always keep Turkey's doors open for Uighur refugees. Last February, Turkey's Foreign Ministry called China's Xinjiang camps "a great embarrassment for humanity."

But when Erdogan visited Beijing last summer to boost ties with China, he told reporters that those who "exploited" the Uighur issue are undermining Beijing-Ankara relations. Since then, he has been silent on the issue.
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Uighur writer and poet Parach visits a bookshop in Istanbul. "If you stand against China," he says, "you're a threat."

"China, for Turkey, is quite an important economic partner," says Cevdet Yilmaz, the vice chairman and foreign policy chief of the ruling Justice and Development Party, the AKP. "We have a big trade volume with China. We hope that we can also sell our goods to the rising middle class of China."

In 2018, as Turkey's lira was plummeting, in part because of U.S. sanctions, China gave Turkey a $3.6 billion loan. Chinese investors are also financing a third suspension bridge across the Bosporus in Istanbul, though concern about the new coronavirus pandemic has led to project delays.

Yilmaz, 52, who has held senior posts in Erdogan's administration, says the government is pushing to attract more Chinese tourists and investors. Turkey also wants greater involvement in the Belt and Road Initiative, China's vast global trade and infrastructure project.

"We are in the middle corridor of this project, and we want to work with China to develop it because it will be useful for Turkey," says Yilmaz, during an interview with NPR his office in the AKP's fortress-like headquarters in the Turkish capital, Ankara. "We are in between east and west. And if there is more trade between Europe and China, Turkey will benefit."

He denies Beijing is pressuring Ankara to send back Uighurs. He says he doesn't know the specifics about Uighur arrests in Turkey and referred questions to the Interior Ministry, which did not respond to NPR's requests for comment.

"We don't have any specific policy against Uighur people," Yilmaz says. "It is about the overall security of Turkey and international cooperation on security."
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People walk through the main street of Zeytinburnu. Some worry that Turkey is going the way of countries such as Egypt, Malaysia, Pakistan and the United Arab Emirates, which deported Uighurs under pressure from China.

He says that Turkey supports China's territorial integrity and frowns upon Uighur separatism.

"We believe Uighur people should solve their problems, if they have any, with Chinese authorities," Yilmaz says. "We don't want to see these issues to be used to harm our relations with China."

He adds, "We expect [Uighurs] to be a bridge between Turkey and China, rather than a divisive issue."

We don't want to see these issues to be used to harm our relations with China.

Cevdet Yilmaz, the vice chairman and foreign policy chief of Turkey's Justice and Development Party
Yavuz Onay, the vice chairman of the Turkish-Chinese Business Council in Turkey, says he flies regularly to Beijing to attract investors to Turkey.

Onay insists that Uighurs are not oppressed in China and he approves of the controversial Xinjiang camps where Uighurs are imprisoned. "China gives them free education and takes care of them there," he says. "They must stop complaining. It's not good for Turkey."

Pressure on exiles
Human rights groups say China has already pressured several countries to intimidate, detain and deport Uighurs and other Muslim ethnic groups. There are signs of this happening in Egypt, Pakistan, Kazakhstan and a number of other countries in Asia and the Middle East.
An Advocate For Kazakhs Persecuted In China Is Banned From Activism In Kazakhstan

 
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Saithan

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An Advocate For Kazakhs Persecuted In China Is Banned From Activism In Kazakhstan

Ali Akber Mohammad, a 43-year-old Uighur cleric, says he was chased out of Egypt. Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi has pushed to attract billions of dollars in Chinese investment and tourism. In 2017, Egyptian police raided the homes of Uighurs living in Egypt. Mohammad managed to flee to Turkey.

"When I first arrived, Turkey felt so safe," Mohammad says. "But in the last few months, everything has started to change. The Turkish police are arresting Uighurs, are interrogating Uighurs. This is why I left Egypt. ... Now, where do we go?"

Nicholas Bequelin, Amnesty International's regional director for East and Southeast Asia, says Beijing wants Uighurs back in China in order to silence them.

"They don't want witnesses. They don't want people who can to talk to the degree of political, cultural, religious repression that's taking place in Xinjiang simply because it's shocking and beyond the pale," he says.

Bequelin says the Chinese do not want Uighurs to secure the kind of worldwide sympathy enjoyed by Tibetans, another oppressed ethnic group in China.

"And that is one of the reasons why they've played the Muslim card so much," he says. "China tars the Uighurs as terrorists."

For decades, the Chinese government has blamed violent attacks in China on militant Uighur separatists who are part of the East Turkestan Islamic Movement. The crackdown expanded in 2009, when nearly 200 people died during Uighur protests against state-sponsored Han Chinese migration into Xinjiang. Many Uighurs fled to avoid imprisonment.

Beijing pressures countries to repatriate Uighurs so "they can be kept under tight monitoring, to reduce what [China] sees as a threat, both real and potential, to the country's national security," says Chien-peng Chung, a politics professor at Lingnan University in Hong Kong and an expert on ethnic nationalism in China.

"We can't live like this"
Bequelin of Amnesty International says the ground is shifting for Uighurs in Turkey. "The government seems more and more inclined to pacify Beijing by taking stronger measures against Uighurs," he says, "but that's not going to be popular with Turkish people."
Turks see Uighurs as "their brothers and sisters," says Karaca, the professor at Istanbul Aydin University. In December, thousands of Turks marched in Istanbul, calling Uighurs "warriors who resist persecution" and chanting, "Murderer China, get out of East Turkestan."

Abdul Kadir Osman, who was a doctor in Xinjiang but now makes a living baking walnut-encrusted flatbread in Istanbul, says he appreciates the support but knows its limits. "The Turkish government will do what's best for itself, not for us," says Osman, 45.
Osman is one of thousands of Uighurs to whom Turkey has denied residency papers, local leaders say. Without residency permits, Uighurs risk getting deported. Osman says he sees Uighurs in this situation getting arrested every day.

"It's stressful to walk outside of my home, even when I'm with my entire family," Osman says. "Running errands is a nightmare. I'm afraid to take public transportation, in case the police are there."
Another baker, a man who gives his name as Abdulla, says he's also stranded in Turkey with an expired Chinese passport and no residency papers. He was arrested and sent to a deportation center in 2018 for reasons he still doesn't understand.

Now that the arrests seem to have stepped up, he says, he's a nervous wreck. He can't sleep. He has headaches. He worries that his family will go hungry if he's arrested again. He has nightmares that he will be deported like Zinnetgul Tursun.

"It's hard to live like this," he says, "so we are trying to move to a safe place."

Like many Uighur exiles in Turkey, he's making plans to flee with his family to Western Europe. He's heard people there don't like refugees or Muslims — but he does hope they might stand up to China.
Samarjan Saidi assisted with reporting and translation in Istanbul. Additional translation by Eren Devrimci and research by Durrie Bouscaren and K. Murat Yildiz in Istanbul.
This story is part of a special series on Uighurs in Turkey. You can read and listen to another story on
Uighur children in a boarding school here.
 

TR_123456

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Onay insists that Uighurs are not oppressed in China and he approves of the controversial Xinjiang camps where Uighurs are imprisoned. "China gives them free education and takes care of them there," he says. "They must stop complaining. It's not good for Turkey."

You can criticize the US,France,Germany etc but not China?
What a ridiculous attitude by the Turkish government.
This is not the Turkish way.
 

Madokafc

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Why we must sucked up for an atheist country who demolized Mosque and Curch alike but keep barks against Westerner and Israel who is keep religion alive and thrive
 

Vergennes

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You can criticize the US,France,Germany etc but not China?
What a ridiculous attitude by the Turkish government.
This is not the Turkish way.

China is buying the silence of a majority of muslim countries through massive economic investments.

Sad to see Turkey one of the most vocal advocate for the Uygurs (Given religious and ethnic links) has caved in to Chinese pressures and "gifts".

It doesn't send a good image of Erdogan,who sees himself as a "champion of all muslims"..... He should see himself as a "champion of some muslims".
 

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Let's be rational though,

What China has been doing to our Uyghur brothers is unacceptable and barbaric to say the least.
We're all expecting Turkish government to voice a strong condemnation but what we're forgetting is that

a) It would hardly change the Chinese government's attitude towards the Uyghurs. It may get even worse.

b) Turkish sanctions would hurt Turkish economy while only causing a dent in the Chinese one.

c) Given that we can't rely on our western 'allies' to back us up in case things flare up with China, Turkey will suffocate its economical options.

I don't think our approach should be any other than communicating with the Chinese government discretely and trying to mediate instead of openly attacking them.
For the time being, this is the only viable way cause China is too big a bite to chew.
 

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Let's be rational though,

What China has been doing to our Uyghur brothers is unacceptable and barbaric to say the least.
We're all expecting Turkish government to voice a strong condemnation but what we're forgetting is that

a) It would hardly change the Chinese government's attitude towards the Uyghurs. It may get even worse.

b) Turkish sanctions would hurt Turkish economy while only causing a dent in the Chinese one.

c) Given that we can't rely on our western 'allies' to back us up in case things flare up with China, Turkey will suffocate its economical options.

I don't think our approach should be any other than communicating with the Chinese government discretely and trying to mediate instead of openly attacking them.
For the time being, this is the only viable way cause China is too big a bite to chew.
Yes, but at least our government should work towards a trade balance in our favor.

And I don't know if Chinese are allowed to just buy and get in on the economic free zone areas government establishes. But we should make sure it's on our terms.
 

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Countries and people became aware of Uyghur issue as they become hostile to, have issues with or feel threatened by China. The issue was there since decades and nobody has paid attention as much as the last decade. Neither they cared about refugees have been fleeing China since several decades ago.
Human rights shouldn't be based on political stance to a country, but should be objective.
 

Nilgiri

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Countries and people became aware of Uyghur issue as they become hostile to, have issues with or feel threatened by China. The issue was there since decades and nobody has paid attention as much as the last decade. Neither they cared about refugees have been fleeing China since several decades ago.
Human rights shouldn't be based on political stance to a country, but should be objective.

We Indians have been in-tune to it long because of Tibetans and Dalai Lama since CCP actions there in the 50s onwards.

It is really not surprising it extend to other non-Han as well. I remember a BBC report from way before, like 20 years ago about the problems in Xinjiang there with locals vs Han settlers. Things were already brewing and not sitting well big time (now that I look back).

That and other tidbits that came my way (there was one readers digest story too about the matter from that long time ago) are what got me to eventually read up more into the whole area at large w.r.t Central Asia and w.r.t Chinese history.

The issue for lot of people around the world is that China itself only opened up more to the world from the 90s onwards (and 90s was still largely unknown decade for most w.r.t China unless you were right up against them like I was in HK).

Most people do not like to really go and find the material to read up about the longer issues during cold war and before (the before phase is especially important for a lot of this build up) and do so objectively as possible.

I could quite easily switch to being an apologist for CCP, I know all their arguments like the back of my hand after all. Problem is then I have to be apologist for a great many extremist psychology things (around the world at large) I abhor immensely. Can't be done...tried my darndest a few times just to see...its just no good.

I have only learned that people hate to forgive the past (which involved different set of people), and they hate to move on and start new with todays people. Sometimes I wish I never learned that about people...the sheer extent of people that think this way and base everything on it..casual affair or push come to shove matter.

Apparently we spent 100,000 years or more brutally fighting the neanderthals for supremacy on the planet at great cost to both (apparently they were the main reason we were stuck in Africa so long, hemmed in)...and like matter vs antimatter, we prevailed when we easily could not have (apparently we figured out ranged weapons to deal with their superiority in every other realm...but 100,000 years it still took after that and the denisovans and all others stood no chance after).

Our more modern history (tribes, civilisation and all that) after we settled into our new-found supremacy and diverged enough while doing so (thanks to geography etc)...is maybe 10 thousand years...but you see, we were modern anatomical humans well longer doing all that other stuff thats "us"....all deeply ingrained.

Probably not enough time to adjust the hard wiring or something... in enough people at least...as much as we might think we have. There you have it.

@Joe Shearer
 

Nilgiri

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He speaks the truth @Vergennes , kudos to him:


Translating my best into english (There is extra significance in words "J'accuse" in French history that people can look up themselves):

I accuse,

I accuse the leaders of the Communist party of China of perpetrating the worst crime against humanity in the 21st century.

The deportation and eradication of the uighur people.

I accuse,

I accuse the the international community in consenting to this crime by its silence and passiveness.

I accuse,

I accuse the leaders of numerous muslim countries from Pakistan to Saudi Arabia who brandish banner of faith on one side, but the other side support China's policy of destroying mosques and desecration of muslim cemeteries.

I accuse,

I accuse the greedy bosses of Nike , Zara and all the other multinationals that benefit from the reduction of a whole people to slavery.

I accuse finally the cowardice and spinelessness of European leaders. We already urged these leaders for a year to take action in closing these camps. What have they done for a year? NOTHING. Nothing like even a footballer like Griezmann and thousands of young people on social media.... who have done more in a year for the Uighurs than all our leaders combined.

It is clear that if these leaders merely sit on this resolution we are voting on today. If they still refuse to sanction the Chinese leaders...History will judge them as accomplices in crimes against humanity and we will judge them before her.

@Joe Shearer @Saithan @#comcom @Madokafc @Jackdaws
 
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Madokafc

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He speaks the truth @Vergennes , kudos to him:


Translating my best into english (There is extra significance in words "J'accuse" in French history that people can look up themselves):

I accuse,

I accuse the leaders of the Communist party of China of perpetrating the worst crime against humanity in the 21st century.

The deportation and eradication of the uighur people.

I accuse,

I accuse the the international community in consenting to this crime by its silence and passiveness.

I accuse,

I accuse the leaders of numerous muslim countries from Pakistan to Saudi Arabia who brandish banner of faith on one side, but the other side support China's policy of destroying mosques and desecration of muslim cemeteries.

I accuse,

I accuse the greedy bosses of Nike , Zara and all the other multinationals that benefit from the reduction of a whole people to slavery.

I accuse finally the cowardice and spinelessness of European leaders. We already urged these leaders for a year to take action in closing these camps. What have they done for a year? NOTHING. Nothing like even a footballer like Griezmann and thousands of young people on social media.... who have done more in a year for the Uighurs than all our leaders combined.

It is clear that if these leaders merely sit on this resolution we are voting on today. If they still refuse to sanction the Chinese leaders...History will judge them as accomplices in crimes against humanity and we will judge them before her.

@Joe Shearer @Saithan @#comcom @Madokafc @Jackdaws

We muslim busy to condemning Israel for protecting her people including numerous Arab Muslim within, and going blind against China while they are destroying curch and Mosque alike
 

Nilgiri

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Hong Kong (CNN)China will not face a case at the International Criminal Court over its treatment of ethnic minorities in Xinjiang -- for now.

Beijing is accused of numerous crimes against Uyghurs and other ethnic minority groups in the far western region, including a mass detention system, forced labor, and claims of genocide and human rights abuses.

As China is not a signatory to the Rome Statute, which established the ICC, prosecution at the court has always been a long shot. But activists had hoped to bring a case based on actions taken against Uyghurs living in Tajikistan and Cambodia, both of which are ICC members.

In a report released Monday, however, the office of ICC prosecutor Fatou Bensouda said the "precondition for the exercise of the court's territorial jurisdiction did not appear to be met with respect to the majority of the crimes alleged" since they appear "to have been committed solely by nationals of China within the territory of China, a State which is not a party to the Statute."


Bensouda's office has left the file open, meaning the ICC could still pursue a case provided more evidence was presented.

Speaking to the Guardian, Rodney Dixon, the lead barrister in the attempted ICC case against China, said his team "will be providing highly relevant evidence ... in the coming months."

"We are engaging with the office of the prosecutor as these proceedings go on with the aim of opening a full investigation," Dixon added.

The message is clear: while Bensouda's decision may seem like a win of sorts for China, it highlights the growing pressure over Xinjiang and the determination of Uyghur groups and other activists to hold Beijing to account.

Leading that charge at an international level is Washington, where being tough on China is by now bipartisan consensus and numerous hearings have been held on the situation in Xinjiang. US President Donald Trump has taken a hard line towards Beijing, and his government has sanctioned multiple Chinese officials allegedly responsible for human rights abuses against Uyghurs.

Ahead of the US election last month, some activists had expressed concerns Joe Biden would take a softer approach. But in a statement on Xinjiang, the now President-elect denounced the "unspeakable oppression" against Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities, which he said amounted to "genocide."

(More at link)
 

xizhimen

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China must be extremely stupid to do what western media and "activists" proclaimed they did, to make all Uighurs and the international community hate her to pick fight with a minority accounting for less than 1% of China's population. But is China really that stupid or the people who buy those reports are?
 

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