China's Rise Complicates Biden's Mideast Policy Plans,latest poll shows Arabs favor China over US

xizhimen

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China's Rise Complicates Biden's Mideast Policy Plans,latest poll shows Arabs favor China over US
February 04, 2021 03:57 PM

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FILE - A sign reading "UAE Chinese Week" in Chinese and Arabic is projected onto the Bus Al Arab luxury hotel to celebrate the UAE Chinese Week in Dubai, July 18, 2018.


As the Biden administration contemplates a return to Obama-era policies in the Middle East – from the Iran nuclear deal to Israeli-Palestinian negotiations -- it is finding those policies complicated by China’s rising role as an influential political player throughout the region.

China became the largest trading partner of Arab countries in the first half of 2020 with two-way trade of more than $115 billion. It has established strategic partnerships or a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with 12 Arab nations.

A recent survey conducted in the region found China is viewed more favorably than the United States. Arab Barometer, a research network based at Princeton University, polled citizens in six countries in the Middle East -- Algeria, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia -- to gauge their attitudes toward China and the U.S. "The survey results make clear that Arab publics prefer China," the organization said.

China’s government has made its “Belt and Road” infrastructure initiative a key part of its regional outreach. Although the U.S. still criticizes the plan for extending loans that some countries may struggle to repay, 18 nations have joined including Israel, Washington’s closest ally in the region.

Through this trillion-dollar initiative, China has invested throughout Asia, Europe and Africa. "To connect all these places, China is very active in building or helping to build or helping to finance ports and military bases and just striking up strong economic and strategic partnerships with the countries of the greater Middle East," Robert D. Kaplan, chair in geopolitics at the Pennsylvania-based Foreign Policy Research Institute, told VOA in a telephone interview.

By linking Europe with East Asia through the Middle East, China could dominate Afro-Eurasia trading routes —what the great British geographer Halford Mackinder labeled the “World-Island,” said Kaplan.

The U.S. regional withdrawal

The last two decades have seen Washington escalating and then winding down its presence in the Middle East and southwest Asia. After years of grinding wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, support for foreign military engagements in the region has dropped among members of both U.S. political parties.

Former President Barack Obama once described the region as beset by conflicts going back millennia, while Donald Trump repeatedly advocated that the U.S. should leave behind the "forever wars."

"I think that the Americans have been complaining and Americans in the national security community have been complaining for two or three decades now that the Middle East is a distraction from the things that we really need to commit to it," said Robert Farley, a senior lecturer at the University of Kentucky, in a telephone interview with VOA. Patterson is with the university’s Patterson School of Diplomacy and International Commerce.

Analysts say the fierce competition between China and the U.S. has reinforced Washington's desire to reduce the strategic importance of the Middle East, which some have been pushing for since the Obama administration’s "Pivot to Asia" 10 years ago.

Kaplan argued that as Beijing fills the Middle East vacuum, it will eventually pose a threat to the U.S.

"It's a threat because most of the talk in Washington over the past few years is that we need to withdraw from the Middle East, because we've been engaged there in the so-called endless wars. And if we truly withdraw, or even partially withdraw from the Middle East, that will open up a vast avenue of opportunity for the Chinese," Kaplan told VOA.

Iran - China's foothold

While China is happy to work with both foes and friends of Washington in the region, its tie to Iran holds particular significance for both countries. Burdened by sanctions and deepening isolation on the world stage, Tehran has turned to China for economic and military support while Beijing looks for cheaper energy resources.

After a visit by Chinese President Xi Jinping, the two countries established a so-called Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in 2016, giving China a foothold in a region that has been a strategic preoccupation of the United States for decades.

Wojciech Michnik is an assistant professor of international relations and security studies at Poland’s Jagiellonian University. He said among the influential powers in the Middle East, Iran is China's natural partner.

“Iran is quite an important power, especially after the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq and the fallout of the Saddam Hussein, Iran gained in terms of the relative power in the region. It has been using its proxies from Syria to Yemen," Michnik told VOA.

China is currently Iran’s largest trading partner and oil buyer, as well as Iran’s largest export market for non-oil products and an important source of foreign investment. Bilateral trade was only about $400 million in 1994 but increased to $2.48 billion in 2000. By 2019, according to data release by the Chinese Ministry of Commerce, the value reached more than $23 billion, an increase of nearly 10 times.

With the change in the U.S. administration and Washington's policy on the Iran nuclear agreement, the two governments have recently recommitted to strengthening their relationship.

Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf is the speaker of Iran’s hardliner-dominated parliament. Last month, he told Li Zhanshu of China's National People's Congress that "ties between Tehran and Beijing are not and will not be affected by the international conditions” and will continue to deepen.

Engagement redefined

While experts doubt the United States will be disengaging in any substantial way from the Middle East, Washington’s interests are likely shifting from a focus on terrorism to China’s growing regional influence.

"Yes, we do need to confront China, but now we need to pay attention to the Middle East, not because of terrorism, but rather because of China's growing influence in Iran, of China's developing relationship with Saudi Arabia, and so forth,” said Farley, who was also a visiting professor at the U.S. Army War College in Pennsylvania.

He said that shift in thinking is reflected in other parts of the U.S. national security community, where analysts have begun to redefine what American engagement means in the context of China’s robust foreign diplomacy.

 

Ardabas34

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Turkey is also getting closer to China. Despite the international pressure and especially US we stay silent to Uyghur thing and mainstream media started obsessively calling an extreme pro-Maoist anti-US politician Dogu Perincek to their programmes. We are also economically very tied and we became almost enemies with the US due their unconditional support to PKK-YPG.
We are also getting closer and closer to Pakistan who also have good relationships with China and this made us enemies with India who also have bad relationships with China.

Yeah, overall China with its good relationships with Turkey, Iran and Arab countries I can see they control the Middle East in a not too distant future.

Hopefully(for us Turks) they will not support Pkk-Ypg like US does. The two states so far decided to respect each others inner affairs by Turkey staying silent to Uyghurs and China doing the same.
 

xizhimen

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China's unconventional weapons are winning the Middle East
BY SIMONE LEDEEN AND MORGAN LORRAINE VIÑA
— 02/04/21 12:00 PM EST

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Throughout his campaign, President Joe Biden diminished the threat that China posed to the United States. Now that he’s back in the White House, Biden will have to come to terms with the stark reality that China could indeed “eat our lunch.”

National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan has indicated that the Biden administration is willing to impose costs on China — but will they apply hybrid and irregular warfare, as the Chinese have done?

Indeed, China has mastered the art of slowly and meticulously shaping the conditions for its interactions with the United States, gaining an advantage. From a military perspective, the Chinese have smartly diagnosed America’s strategic reliance on conventional overmatch in order to deter major conflict. Instead, they have sought to achieve their objectives through unorthodox approaches that limit the effectiveness of our preferred conventional toolkit.


Countering China requires the United States to project influence far beyond our current focus on conventional military capabilities. Because Beijing aspires to achieve global leadership via the Belt and Road Initiative, the United States will also need to counter it on the global stage. The Biden administration has pledged to reinvigorate the United States as an Indo Pacific power. This is not enough. U.S. attention and resources should be prioritized to strategically counter China beyond the Indo Pacific.

As laid out in the 2018 National Defense Strategy, our unique system of alliances and partnerships around the world is one of our strongest assets — one that no revisionist power or rogue regime can match. The deep relationships we have built over the years can serve as a bulwark against the malign influence of our competitors. In doing so, we amass the greatest possible strength for the long term advancement of our shared interests.

That said, China has made substantial progress in building relationships and gaining ground, quite literally, with some of the United States’ closest partners in the Middle East.

The Department of Defense has redoubled its focus on deterring conventional threats from near-peer competitors and other adversaries. In the Middle East, for example, our main strategic focus must remain on Iran and the arc of influence and instability that it has asserted, using state-sponsored terrorist activities, a burgeoning network of proxies and its missile program to vie for regional hegemony.

At the same time, the United Arab Emirates is the prime target for China’s aspirational strategic footprint in the Middle East. When the COVID-19 pandemic hit, China sought to exploit the very disaster it mismanaged to expand its influence. The UAE, with China’s help, opened the largest COVID-19 testing facility outside of Beijing in Abu Dhabi. The UAE, shortly followed by Bahrain and Morocco, were the first countries to approve a Chinese vaccine by state-owned company Sinopharm. Notably, all countries are part of the Abraham Accords — an August 2020 declaration for maintaining peace in the Middle East — along with Israel and the United States.


The recent announcement that the Biden administration has placed a hold on the sale of F-35 fighter jets to the UAE (also related to the Abraham Accords) is only likely to encourage the Emiratis to broaden their relationship with China. Post Abraham Accords, the UAE is also likely under an increased threat from the Iranian regime. If we are no longer willing to provide them with advanced capabilities to defend themselves, China would surely offer to fill the gap.

These episodes demonstrate the need for sustained support and engagement from the U.S. to keep all these countries fully aligned for the accords to realize their full success and to offset encroachment from Beijing.

While there is recognition of China’s culpability for the pandemic and a real understanding that the U.S. is the exponentially more desirable “partner of choice,” a Biden administration that disengages from the Middle East in general and UAE in particular could have devastating long term consequences to our interests in this strategically vital region.

Though significant, China’s attempts to run COVID-19 damage control are just the latest in its efforts in making inroads into the Middle East.

The introduction of Chinese 5G cellular technology in the region presents major security and intelligence risks to national governments and those they partner with, including the United States. During travel to Israel in 2019, Under Secretary of Defense for Policy John Rood, pointedly cautioned, “China and Huawei have stolen technology from countries like T-Mobile. This is a substantial concern because of the risk to our close friend and ally Israel in terms of usage of that type of technology.”


As in many other parts of the world, China seeks to expand its global footprint through trade and infrastructure development. Nowhere is this more evident than in the UAE.

In addition to China being Abu Dhabi’s largest trading partner, in 2017, the UAE and China signed a $300 million deal to build a manufacturing operation in Khalifa Port Free Trade Zone. This deal comes on the heels of a previous deal in which China’s COSCO Shipping won the rights to develop and operate a new container terminal at Khalifa Port. If there’s any question as to how host governments fare when it comes to making infrastructure deals with the Chinese, ask Sri Lanka, which lost control of its port to Chinese operators.


With many urgent national security issues demanding attention, it remains an imperative for the United States to counter China in the Middle East. While we believe we face a more competitive and volatile global security environment than seen in a generation, we are also uniquely prepared to address these challenges. We must continue to work to transform and pursue innovative solutions to ensure we do not cede critical strategic relationships.

If the Biden administration continues to dismiss the threat that China poses, it will do so at the cost of America’s global leadership.

 
E

ekemenirtu

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Except for tiny countries or regions such as Tunisia, Gaza and Lebanon, almost the entire Arab world is ruled by dictators, junta or totalitarian regimes.

Most of them will follow the edicts issued from their masters in Washington and in some rare instances, the edicts issued from Moscow.

Chinese influence, whether benign or malign, is negligible in those regions.

The CCP does not favour democracy anywhere in the world lest the Chinese people under their rule begin to seek the same at home.

Ironically, the self-proclaimed defenders of democracy and freedom in the West also do not favour democracy in the Arab world, Central Asia or in other regions lest popular governments like that found in Iran emerge and foil Western aspirations for a given region.
 

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