Arent Albanians on Turkish side
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Not all,the Albanian Christian are not,they are anti Turk.
My opinion is that Albanians are not so religious. To them in first place is nationality and second place is religion.
I doubt that they like Greece more than Turkey.
Do we have here Albanians who could tell us more about this?
I doubt that they like Greece more than Turkey.
Do we have here Albanians who could tell us more about this?
Melkör
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Yep - their heroes are Skandenberg, Dua Lipa and so forth
Corvus
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Not an Albanian myself but I been there and talked about this topic with them.
As far as I observed, Kosovar Albanians are more authentic religious Muslims. They are mostly proud about their Ottoman heritage and they sincerely love Türkiye.
However Albania itself has gone through a strong state imposed atheism during the Enver Hoca period. Religion was literally banned. These policies made Albanian society more secular and nationalist, drifting them away from Türkiye. They look up to Europe&the West and aspire being with them.
Still, Albanian Muslims have positive views about us but they are extremely nationalist so there is a limit to their positive views.
It depends on which segment you are looking on
While most albanians arent religious per say, majority dictate their view on Greece and Turkey based on religion and shared history
Most Albanian muslims view Turkey favourably due to our historical ties, shared religion and geography. However, Albanian christians and a decent portion of athiests literally abhor Turkey and believe that if the Turks/ottomans didnt exist then Albania would have been truly european/liberated which as we all know, is pure bullsh*t
Sunni Muslims make up around 50%+ compared to around 17% Christians and around 30% Athiests so it is not a stretch to say that Albania's overall view is more favourable to Turkey
However, as many members did state before, nationalism does rank first among all political/religious groups.
According to Ynet, there are occasional clashes between the Israeli and Turkish navies in the Eastern Mediterranean.
These clashes reportedly involve Israeli ships encountering Turkish ships, triggering alerts on both sides and resulting in displays of force such as rapid close passes or ships being surrounded for a few minutes.
The incidents are becoming increasingly frequent, but currently have not escalated into serious situations or conflicts. Israeli security officials stated: "There is a big difference between encountering a German naval vessel and encountering a Turkish naval vessel. The level of alert is different."
Israel is preparing for war in the Eastern Mediterranean.
Power, Discourse, and Governance: An Analysis of Türkiye’s Long Horizon Integrated Maritime Surveillance System
Abstract
This article challenges the paradigmatic exclusivity of analyses of contemporary security technologies within International Relations and Security Studies. It develops and applies an integrated theoretical framework—synthesizing realist, securitization, and critical security studies perspectives—to examine Türkiye’s Long Horizon Integrated Maritime Surveillance System (LHIMSS). The study demonstrates that LHIMSS functions simultaneously as a realist instrument for asymmetric balancing, a securitized project legitimized by the Blue Homeland doctrine, and a critical governance vehicle that expands state control through a militarized “White Picture.” By revealing the recursive interplay among material capabilities, discursive threat-making, and transformative governance, the integrated approach provides a holistic understanding of how middle powers navigate contested sovereignty and hybrid security. The findings challenge IR scholarship to abandon rigid theoretical compartments and develop multi-causal models that capture the material, discursive, and biopolitical dimensions of 21st-century security.
Abstract
This article challenges the paradigmatic exclusivity of analyses of contemporary security technologies within International Relations and Security Studies. It develops and applies an integrated theoretical framework—synthesizing realist, securitization, and critical security studies perspectives—to examine Türkiye’s Long Horizon Integrated Maritime Surveillance System (LHIMSS). The study demonstrates that LHIMSS functions simultaneously as a realist instrument for asymmetric balancing, a securitized project legitimized by the Blue Homeland doctrine, and a critical governance vehicle that expands state control through a militarized “White Picture.” By revealing the recursive interplay among material capabilities, discursive threat-making, and transformative governance, the integrated approach provides a holistic understanding of how middle powers navigate contested sovereignty and hybrid security. The findings challenge IR scholarship to abandon rigid theoretical compartments and develop multi-causal models that capture the material, discursive, and biopolitical dimensions of 21st-century security.
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Not only Turkish territory, but also a naval vessel in international waters or a manned aircraft in international airspace falls under the same category as Article 5. Furthermore, the presence in Cyprus is legitimate under the 1960 guarantee agreements; the Turkish state can defend itself against any attack on its assets there as a direct threat to its national security.
But beyond all this, if Israel attempts to force Turkey into a war, our guarantee is not NATO's 5th article; rather, it is the paralysis of certain NATO countries—which are vital to Israel—for a few weeks through the use of Articles 4 and 8.
Two or three weeks is enough time for TAF to render almost all its energy facilities inoperable, disable all its airfields to the point where no planes can take off, largely destroy its navy, establish a complete naval blockade, and initiate a full energy embargo by cutting off Azerbaijani oil supplies. Israel would become a larger Gaza. Look at the arrogance they're displaying with such a ass-sized country! Ultimately, state mechanisms that could prevent such a grave mistake must still exist in Israel. Indeed, Likud, which attempted to turn this into an election campaign, has softened its tone within 48 hours. It would be naive to think that the Turkish armed forces do not have a counter-operation and action plan in case Israel embarks on such madness.
Indeed:
Turkish trawlers sweep seabed in Greek waters | eKathimerini.com
Archipelagos Institute documents dozens of fishing incursions in the eastern Aegean, as local fishermen warn of damage to marine ecosystems.
In mid-July, the Triton, a research vessel operated by the Archipelagos Institute of Marine Conservation, was sailing on a scientific mission in the Aegean when its crew encountered evidence of extensive illegal fishing activity. In a narrow area of international waters, they spotted four Turkish trawlers.
In the days that followed, the vessels used the area as a base to enter Greek territorial waters and fish with bottom trawling gear between Agathonisi, Samos, Fournoi and Patmos, despite existing restrictions. Even after they had been detected, they allegedly continued to sweep the seabed for days, undeterred.
“Bottom trawlers drag a large net along the seabed. The net remains open and is held in place by two metal doors that flatten the seabed like bulldozers,” Anastasia Miliou, hydrobiologist and head of scientific research at the Archipelagos Institute, told Kathimerini. “They were designed to operate in muddy areas, but in vulnerable ecosystems the damage they cause is enormous and irreversible.”
However, since July 16, Archipelagos Institute has recorded more than 50 locations where Turkish trawlers were active between Samos, Fournoi and Agathonisi. According to the institute’s data, only six of those locations were inside or close to the boundaries of international waters.
“The first vessel starts fishing, nobody stops it, and then the others follow. They are knowingly causing destruction. An area that should be given a temporary chance to recover is being fished day and night,” Thodoris Tsimpidis, director of Archipelagos Institute, told Kathimerini.
“They fish even 50 meters from the shore, in four meters of water. I have lost my nets twice,” said Spyros Iliou, a fisherman from Samos. “Coast Guard vessels drive them away, but they come back. They have ruined the area.”
He said Turkish trawlers are highly maneuverable vessels, usually around 15 meters long. Their cabins are relatively low and their hulls are painted dark blue or black, possibly in a bid to make them harder to spot.
Unlike Greek vessels and all boats operating under European fishing regulations, Turkish vessels cannot be monitored by Greek authorities through the Vessel Monitoring System, an EU satellite tracking system that records fishing activity. They can be detected through the Automatic Identification System, used for maritime safety, but in some cases vessels have been found to switch it off.
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You're telling me the Greek coast guard that literally invaded Turkish homeland last year to hunt down migrants took no action regarding the flagrant violation of Greek territorial waters for days? You need to fire your coast guard chief.
What lies behind President Erdoğan's subtle statement, "If we shouted from Kaş, would they hear us?"
- First, Türkiye issued a NAVTEX. It announced that the TÜBİTAK MARMARA vessel would be conducting research within Türkiye's maritime jurisdiction in the Eastern Mediterranean.
- Greek media wrote that the area in question was "Greek territory."
- Greece issued a counter-NAVTEX, claiming that the area where the Turkish vessel would be located belonged to them.
- Ankara ignored this NAVTEX. The TÜBİTAK MARMARA vessel proceeded to the region and began its work.
- Greece sent one Heron UAV to the region, conducting reconnaissance flights around the Turkish vessel.
- Türkiye sent a UAV, launched from Dalaman, to the area.
- Following the UAVs, Türkiye sent a submarine to the region. (Docking in Kaş)
- Athens' response was the arrival of one Greek coast guard vessel in the area. (Docking in Meis)
- As of today, the TÜBİTAK MARMARA research vessel continues its routine research activities just outside the 6 nautical mile territorial waters of Kızılhisar (Meis) island (approximately 6.5 nautical miles from the island).
- Türkiye thus demonstrated on the ground that it does not recognize Greece's 12 nautical mile claims in any way.
- President Erdoğan, in a statement to journalists on the plane returning from Bishkek, used an interesting phrase: "If we were to send a message from our landmass, from Kaş, to Greece, they would hear it, wouldn't they?"
