India Coffee House

KamBhakth

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We have an airstrip there. The 75 are to make sure the airstrip remains safe till the reinforcements arrive.

People never like it when a foreign power creates a base of any sort on their soil. Then the opposition politicians can take advantage of that dislike and of course China will help this opposition politician. One needs to think of future ramifications before implementing brilliant ideas like making airstrips on foreign soil. Our current government is not far sighted.
 

Joe Shearer

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We have an airstrip there. The 75 are to make sure the airstrip remains safe till the reinforcements arrive.

People never like it when a foreign power creates a base of any sort on their soil. Then the opposition politicians can take advantage of that dislike and of course China will help this opposition politician. One needs to think of future ramifications before implementing brilliant ideas like making airstrips on foreign soil. Our current government is not far sighted.
TELL ME ABOUT IT!
 

Jammer

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We have an airstrip there. The 75 are to make sure the airstrip remains safe till the reinforcements arrive.

People never like it when a foreign power creates a base of any sort on their soil. Then the opposition politicians can take advantage of that dislike and of course China will help this opposition politician. One needs to think of future ramifications before implementing brilliant ideas like making airstrips on foreign soil. Our current government is not far sighted.
We are making a naval base in Agalega island with no problem from seychelles. Maldives tried to fuck around now they are in founding out phase.
 

Joe Shearer

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We are making a naval base in Agalega island with no problem from seychelles. Maldives tried to fuck around now they are in founding out phase.
Different strokes for different folks.
The Bengalis detest and despise Hindi. They speak it with distaste, distorting it with almost malicious pleasure.
The Odiyas, next door, have taken to it like ducks to water, and speak it in preference to anything else when out of Odisha.
 

KamBhakth

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We are making a naval base in Agalega island with no problem from seychelles. Maldives tried to fuck around now they are in founding out phase.

Do you mean Assumption island.


I can't find any news of our agreement with Seychelles being ratified by them
 

Jammer

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Do you mean Assumption island.


I can't find any news of our agreement with Seychelles being ratified by them
It was my mistake Agalega is in Mauritius
 

Afif

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Maldives shows the way of how people making offensive posts should be treated.

That is a good observation. From time to time some BJP officials says horrible stuff. Yet, they rarely face any consequences.
 

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I dont think we were heavy handed in Maldives. Its just the plain fact that they hate us. They manufactured and propagated the idea of Maldives being some Diego garcia of India when the whole military presence we had were 75 guys on technical assistance. A tip to any aspiring politician dont run a campaign out of other countries especially when those countries have an history of regime change. Imraan khan, oli found it the hard way and haseena is gonna find out next with her bad mouthing of US

They don't plain hate us. Most of the neighbours that we outweigh substantially (like 1000: 1 in this case) have issues stemming from this disparity. It's seen worldwide and you add the context involved to each case and you understand its all fairly similar in the end.

The US by its heft in the larger Americas (uncontested to any degree by say Mexico and Brazil which are the only two large population countries of note in the Americas outside the US) created from the Teddy era to today a waxing and waning of cooperation and resentment in number of countries....but these were just very small countries for the "world" media to really pay attention to.

Things did change quite a bit post WW2 with the rise of the USSR and Eastern bloc as alternatives for security and sustenance. Things came to a real head in Cuba as you may be aware.

There are lessons in all of this for India and diplomacy in the immediate region....working with what you have the best you can and not relying on absolutes.....and verifying things and responding appropriately and reasonably (and understanding what politics is in the end for any country, its not a 100% transmission of bulk society, things get concentrated and polarised there relative to larger society)

I mean there have been political cycles in Maldives after Gayoom era....Solih was fairly pro India and the pendulum shifts and it will shift again. Getting full bipartisan pro-India approach (without an autocrat and the coin flip on that again) in tiny neighbouring states is going to have to involve India growing and leading by example on number of issues. I mean Indian partcipation in having the Gayoom era transition to the democratic era was a story in of itself.


Here's Nasheed (the one that saw off Gayoom's autocracy eventually):


Large segments of Indians get hotheaded and start reaacting disproportionately and in unwise knee jerk way.....betraying that they actually dont trust deep down what they say about the "professionalism" of EAM Jaishankar et al to simply do its job here and to give some passage of time and observe and react optimally considering disparities at play here.
 
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Nilgiri

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Different strokes for different folks.
The Bengalis detest and despise Hindi. They speak it with distaste, distorting it with almost malicious pleasure.
The Odiyas, next door, have taken to it like ducks to water, and speak it in preference to anything else when out of Odisha.

Reminds me of the South a bit. In TN we are much more resistant to Hindi compared to our 3 immediate neighbours heh.
 

Joe Shearer

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Reminds me of the South a bit. In TN we are much more resistant to Hindi compared to our 3 immediate neighbours heh.
There is tremendous parallelism there.
As in the south, the Kannadiga resents Tamil cultural hegemony (assumed hegemony); in the east, the Odiya and the Ahomiya/Assamese bitterly resent Bengali assumptions of superiority.
 

Hari Sud

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Maldives; Security challenge for India in Indian Ocean

(MALDIVIAN PRESIDENT ATTENDS CHINESE STATE BANQUET AMID ROW WITH INDIA)

The security dynamics in the Indian Ocean, particularly the Maldives, present a significant concern for India. Historically, British influence dominated Indian Ocean policing until India assumed this role in the 20th century. Aden, strategically positioned between the Red Sea and the Straits of Malacca, served as a crucial British-controlled port. The renowned Ambani family began amassing wealth from there, later moved to India. The opening of the Suez Canal in the 19th century further heightened the importance of Aden.

The Maldives, a tiny island group, holds immense strategic value, positioned equidistant between the Asian and African landmasses. Apart from its picturesque beaches and enticing south of the equator weather, the Maldives boasts the potential to become a transshipment port for east-west sea traffic. However, its limited population, just half a million people, hinders further development beyond tourism. Despite its potential as a military and naval base, similar to American Diego Garcia, the absence of a visible threat hasn't deterred expansion-minded Chinese interests eyeing the Maldives.

Primarily consisting of people of Indo-Aryan descent from Sri Lanka, Tamil Nadu, and Kerala, the Maldives also has an Arab minority. Islam's historical influence shapes its politics, a facet subdued during British protection but resurged post-independence. The thwarting of a Tamil-led takeover in 1988 by swift Indian intervention set the stage for subsequent democratic developments, fostering Islamic political influence.

Economically, the Maldives sustains a $900 million economy, heavily reliant on tourism and export fishing. The nation is now grappling with aggressive Chinese influence, enticing smaller nations with loans, resulting in a debt trap. India contributes significantly to the Maldivian economy, providing 60% of tourism revenue.

Over the last decade, China's strategic inroads in the Indian Ocean have intensified, alarming India. Sri Lanka's loss of the Hambantota port exemplifies the debt trap strategy. Maldives, strategically positioned on the route to Singapore, has become a target for Chinese expansion.

Despite historical cooperation between India and the Maldives, recent political developments have strained relations. President Mohammad Muizzu's anti-India campaign and his pursuit to distance the nation from India have escalated tensions. India, a significant contributor to the Maldives' GDP, has threatened to withdraw aid and tourism business, a move vehemently opposed by the new Maldivian leadership.

India's strategic concerns about Chinese influence in the Indian Ocean underline the complex dynamics at play in the region. The evolving situation in the Maldives poses challenges to India's security interests, and diplomatic efforts are crucial to navigating these complexities. It is unlikely that India will let go its influence over underpopulated islands of Maldives. Certainly, it will make sure that China does not take over becoming a threat to India.
 

Hari Sud

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Potential U.S. Sanctions against India for Procuring Cheap Russian Oil

India faces trial in a New York court, with the focus not just on Nikhil Gupta's conviction (Pannu Case*), but on the broader issue of the U.S. attempting to hold Modi/India accountable for disregarding U.S. advice and halting oil purchases from Russia. Additionally, there are concerns about India's neutrality in the Ukraine war. The U.S. will eagerly await the trial verdict, aiming for a swift resolution. Upon a favorable verdict, the U.S. plans to promptly impose sanctions on India, utilizing the legal process related to the Pannu case, primarily relying on electronic intercepts as evidence. This development jeopardizes a decade-long mutually beneficial relationship, framing the sanctions as a punitive action against India. Conversely, an unfavorable verdict would force the U.S. to eat a humble pie.

(* Pannu of his own has mounted a verbal assault on India to kill its diplomats and blow up planes)

However, amidst the impending sanctions, it is essential to acknowledge the positive contributions the U.S. has made to India over the past 75 years. From 1954 to 1981, the U.S. provided substantial financial support for India's development through direct grants, IMF and World Bank loans, totaling $4 to $6 billion. The U.S. also played a pivotal role in addressing India's food crisis in the late 1960s by delivering 10 million tons of grain through PL-480 food grain aid, averting a potential starvation crisis.

Despite these contributions, historical U.S. policies have at times conflicted with India's interests. Forming the South East Asian Treaty Organization (SEATO) in the 1950s, the U.S. armed Pakistan with significant military aid, later used against India in various conflicts. During the 1971 war, Kissinger and Nixon sought to prevent the creation of Bangladesh by deploying the U.S. 7th fleet to the war zone, a move thwarted by Soviet intervention.

Previous Sanctions on India

The U.S. imposed sanctions on India for its nuclear tests in response to China's nuclear threat in 1974, lasting 20 years. During this period, U.S. refused to supply fuel to the Tarapur Nuclear power plant, if India persisted with its nuclear program. It later relented. Meanwhile, the U.S. reportedly overlooked Pakistan's nuclear technology theft, contributing to its nuclear capabilities and its spread.

In 1998, after India conducted nuclear weapons tests, the U.S. imposed stringent sanctions, even impounding an LCA Aircraft prototype. Despite positive sentiments expressed by Presidents Bush (Jr) and Obama of full support against threats from China yet it continued to arm Pakistan with better fighters and guns.

Upcoming sanctions

The current geopolitical landscape suggests that the U.S., engaged in an indirect conflict with Russia in Ukraine, seeks to weaken Russia through sanctions. Potential sanctions on India over the Pannu affair are perceived as a strategy to cut off Russian oil sales to India. India, however, appears more resilient in the face of sanctions than in previous decades, signaling a readiness to withstand and respond with countermeasures until a shift in U.S. policy or a change in administration through upcoming elections, occurs.

Hence, it will be unwise to sanction India and choose Pannu Affair as route to do that.
 

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