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Pakistan Rethinking Governance in Pakistan

Fatman17

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EVERY few years, Pakistan revisits the debate on creating new provinces. The interior minister’s recent proposal to establish smaller administrative units has again raised an important question. Yet the real issue is not how many provinces Pakistan should have. It is whether government is close enough to serve its citizens effectively. Administrative boundaries matter only because they influence how quickly people receive education, healthcare, justice, infrastructure and disaster relief. If governance remains distant and unresponsive, merely redrawing maps won’t improve lives.
 

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I would say that thanks to AI we could have a really good governor support function. The AI's primary function should be to audit and report. The challenge is of course how it gathers information. It would be necessary to have a R2D2 type that has a masterbrain and physical body to move around. A pilot project could be started in schools and the AI could follow kids growth and development in school, at the same time audit teachers, deans and such.
 

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I would say that thanks to AI we could have a really good governor support function. The AI's primary function should be to audit and report. The challenge is of course how it gathers information. It would be necessary to have a R2D2 type that has a masterbrain and physical body to move around. A pilot project could be started in schools and the AI could follow kids growth and development in school, at the same time audit teachers, deans and such.
What you are suggesting is at micro level. The article is about creating more provinces than the four currently in place. Pakistan’s population is 250m people and therefore providing the basics to the public under the constitution is non existent because the people in power don't care 😉.
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We can have a 100 provinces but if there is no governance at the grass roots level it wouldn't matter.
The other issue is that the political parties will lose their "control " over the people who are coerced to vote for them in elections.
 

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AN effort is underway to spark a debate on creating new administrative units in the country ostensibly on the grounds that the present system is not delivering. Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi, whose proximity to the establishment is well known, tried to make the case. Claiming the present governance system has “collapsed”, he called for more provinces and administrative units. He offered no explanation of what “collapse” meant and how new units would magically fix Pakistan’s problems. His proposal found backing from the military spokesman. He echoed the call, urged a system “reset” and endorsed the creation of new administrative units.
 

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AN effort is underway to spark a debate on creating new administrative units in the country ostensibly on the grounds that the present system is not delivering. Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi, whose proximity to the establishment is well known, tried to make the case. Claiming the present governance system has “collapsed”, he called for more provinces and administrative units. He offered no explanation of what “collapse” meant and how new units would magically fix Pakistan’s problems. His proposal found backing from the military spokesman. He echoed the call, urged a system “reset” and endorsed the creation of new administrative units.
"Government: An effective administration capable of enforcing laws, collecting taxes, and providing public services."

Here lies the problem. It's not about how many administrative units are needed, it's about doing the needful aforementioned.
 

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THIS is with reference to the editorial ‘Unfair tax system’ (July 31), which rightly discussed the bleeding wound of Pakistan’s economy — a predatory tax architecture that ruthlessly squeezes the vulnerable while shielding the privileged. The weight of our fiscal policy is carried almost entirely by indirect taxation, turning basic survival into a taxable offence.

The unfair burden manifests in everyday life through deeply unjust mechanisms. Consumers face a labyrinth of arbitrary levies, ranging from fixed charges, uniform quarterly adjustments, fuel cost adjustment (FCA) and additional surcharges to electricity duty and general sales tax (GST), constituting roughly 16.3 per cent of an average bill with zero rational justification.
 

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THIS is with reference to the editorial ‘Unfair tax system’ (July 31), which rightly discussed the bleeding wound of Pakistan’s economy — a predatory tax architecture that ruthlessly squeezes the vulnerable while shielding the privileged. The weight of our fiscal policy is carried almost entirely by indirect taxation, turning basic survival into a taxable offence.

The unfair burden manifests in everyday life through deeply unjust mechanisms. Consumers face a labyrinth of arbitrary levies, ranging from fixed charges, uniform quarterly adjustments, fuel cost adjustment (FCA) and additional surcharges to electricity duty and general sales tax (GST), constituting roughly 16.3 per cent of an average bill with zero rational justification.
 

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Every few years, when governance in Pakistan looks particularly strained, the conversation drifts toward the same proposal: carve out new provinces. The logic sounds intuitive. Smaller units, closer to the people, easier to administer. But this argument, however emotionally satisfying, tends to skip over a more basic question. Why a system Pakistan already has on paper, a genuine three-tier structure with elected local government at its base, has never actually been allowed to work?

The Constitution is not silent on this. Article 140-A of the Constitution of Pakistan 1973 obliges every province to establish local governments and to hand over political, administrative and financial authority to elected representatives at that level.
 
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TODAY, the country’s hybrid government is fixated on altering Pakistan’s constitutionally mandated provincial structure and multiplying administrative units. To sell the idea, establishment apologists have rolled out some disingenuous arguments. They claim this will improve governance and miraculously solve the country’s problems overnight.

A debate has been generated in the media about the pros and cons of administrative changes and breaking provinces into more units. Parliament has yet to discuss this. That is unsurprising. Deliberation is not this legislature’s strong suit. It has rushed through constitutional amendments in record time, once in the dead of night and without meaningful debate. Meanwhile, speculation is mounting that another constitutional amendment is being prepared to push through ‘administrative changes’.
 

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The Republic Policy has attempted to answer the following questions in its book *Beyond Four Provinces*.

1. What is meant by a federal unit? What is the fundamental constitutional and political difference between a federal unit and merely an administrative division or district in Pakistan?

2. Do the boundaries of states and federal units always remain permanent? What lessons do we learn from the continuous changes in borders and political units in the history of the subcontinent?

3. What is the relationship between a province, cultural identity, and political representation? Does a region's linguistic, cultural, or historical identity provide a sufficient basis for it to become a separate federal unit?

4. What could be the possible new federal units in Pakistan? In your proposed model, how can Pakistan be divided into potential federal units beyond the current four provinces, and what would be the basis for this?

5. What impact will the creation of new federal units have on Pakistan's political system? Can this improve political representation, parliamentary power, federal balance, and democratic accountability?

6. How will new federal units change the current system of bureaucracy? Can new federal units establish true administrative federalism by dismantling Pakistan's current centrally oriented bureaucratic model?

7. What will be the financial model for new federal units? Under what principles will the distribution of resources, tax collection, NFC, natural resources, and federal transfers be organized in this new system?

8. How will the police and law and order system be formed in the new federal units? Can smaller and more accountable federal units make the police more effective and accountable to local government and the public?

9. Will new federal units be financially sustainable? How will it be determined that a new federal unit has the capacity to generate the required financial resources for its administrative expenses, developmental needs, and public services?

10. How can Pakistan be transitioned from four provinces to a new federal system? What is your practical roadmap for constitutional amendments, political consensus, administrative transition, financial arrangements, and the establishment of new federal units?
www.x.com
 

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We have the gold standard of municipal governance and autonomy, and special economic zones right across the border in China.

However the feudal lords have had too much power for too long, and no interest in anything positive. Just petty thieves.

There is a need for a strong technocratic federal state that is willing to make people unhappy for the national interest. In China when they need to reorganize economic geographies or build infrastructure they will demolish and relocate whoevers in the way.
 

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"Government: An effective administration capable of enforcing laws, collecting taxes, and providing public services."

Here lies the problem. It's not about how many administrative units are needed, it's about doing the needful aforementioned.
It is important to sufficiently devolve powers away from the corrupt and disconnected, to the actual stakeholders of resource allocations. Localizing governance, "subsidiarity", could actually be a helpful means to that.

Its not a debate of localization vs competence/repsonsiveness. Those two things are not mutually exclusive.
 

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If you look at a city like Karachi. Its not able to get autonomy and really take off because the corrupt sindh government wants to siphon its resources parasitically.

There no longer being a centralized sindh government would partially solve that problem.

The areas of the country that want to move forward need emancipation from those that do not or can not.
 

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It is important to sufficiently devolve powers away from the corrupt and disconnected, to the actual stakeholders of resource allocations. Localizing governance, "subsidiarity", could actually be a helpful means to that.

Its not a debate of localization vs competence/repsonsiveness. Those two things are not mutually exclusive.
The bottom line is that the military needs to stay completely out of politics - domestic and international - and play in its own sandbox - implement its role as defined in the Constitution of the country.
 

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If you look at a city like Karachi. Its not able to get autonomy and really take off because the corrupt sindh government wants to siphon its resources parasitically.

There no longer being a centralized sindh government would partially solve that problem.

The areas of the country that want to move forward need emancipation from those that do not or can not.
Economic Hubs.
Karachi
Lahore
Sialkot
Faisalabad
Gujranwalla
Gujrat
Multan
Peshawar
Screenshot_20260830_105252_Chrome.jpg
 

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THIS is with reference to the report “New administrative units ‘under serious consideration’” (Aug 15). The debate over creating new provinces to address the collapsed system is widening and heating up following a minister’s statement about the need for more provinces in search of better governance in the country.

While the debate is actually between those who favour the establishment of provinces and those calling for empowered local bodies, the utter need for structural reforms is being seriously ignored.

Everyone knows that one of the country’s main issues is the elite capture of the entire governance system. More provinces will actually add to the list of VIPs in the country, adding to the prevailing sense of elite capture in society.
 

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Dawn Logo

E-Paper | September 01, 2026







Dissecting growth

Mohiuddin Aazim Published August 31, 2026
Labourers work at the spinning section of a textile mill in Rawalpindi.—Reuters/File
https://www.dawn.com/news/2026315?shem=dsdf,sharefoc,agadiscoversdl,,sh/x/discover/m1/4#comments


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The large-scale manufacturing (LSM) sector may finally be turning the corner. In FY26, LSM expanded by approximately 6.5 per cent after contracting in the preceding year. The improvement was broad, though uneven: 16 out of total 22 major industrial groups recorded growth, while six contracted.
The strongest rebound came from automobiles and transport, which registered an impressive 61.6pc increase. Passenger-car production rose by more than 51pc, while truck sales jumped by 87.8pc. Electric vehicles also added to the momentum. Rubber products, benefiting from demand from auto assemblers and the local replacement market, grew by 14.3pc.
Electrical equipment expanded by 11.9pc, reflecting increased demand for construction and industrial power equipment. Tobacco production rose by 11.7pc, while coke and petroleum products advanced by 10.9pc, supported by higher domestic consumption of petrol and high-speed diesel.
Food and beverages also made a useful contribution. Food production increased by 9.8pc, led chiefly by wheat and rice milling and cooking oil, while beverages grew by 7.7pc. Non-metallic minerals advanced by 8.2pc, with cement production rising by 9.1pc as construction activity picked up.
Domestic demand appears to be improving, reflecting the resilience of the informal economy, but exports remain uncompetitive
Apparel and garments performed well, helped by a recovery in export orders. Baseline textiles, however, managed only modest growth of about 0.7pc. Furniture recorded a notable 20.5pc increase, while leather products and fabricated metal products also expanded.

Several developments provided a shot in the arm to manufacturing. Monetary easing reduced financial pressure, foreign exchange became more readily available for raw-material imports, and inflationary pressures stabilised compared with earlier fiscal years. These conditions enabled manufacturers to restore production and respond to improving domestic and external demand.
Yet the improvement remains incomplete. The six contracting groups faced high input costs, changes in raw material availability, export headwinds and domestic policy adjustments. Pharmaceuticals suffered the most notable contraction. The industry remained under pressure from the after-effects of price deregulation, regulatory friction and the high cost of imported active pharmaceutical ingredients.
Iron and steel products also recorded negative growth. Public-sector infrastructure spending had remained subdued during the earlier part of the fiscal year, while high financing and energy costs continued to weigh upon local steel re-rolling mills.
Fertiliser output fell by about 1.99pc, chiefly because of interruptions in gas feedstock supplies and seasonal variations in demand. Within automobiles, farm tractors were the sole sub-segment to decline. Production fell by about 8pc and sales by roughly 13pc, reflecting slower expansion of sectoral agricultural credit and the withdrawal or reduction of tractor subsidies in certain areas.
The textile picture was similarly divided. Finished garments benefited from recovering export orders, but basic textile industries producing cotton yarn and grey cloth remained stagnant or suffered minor contractions. High electricity tariffs and stiff regional export competition continued to hamper these industries.

The headline 6.5pc growth therefore deserves closer examination. The strong expansion in automobiles and food products, in particular, points towards an improvement in domestic demand. Passenger-car production rose by more than 51pc, truck sales by 87.8pc and food production by 9.8pc. Such movements suggest that households, businesses and other domestic consumers have regained some purchasing capacity after a prolonged period of economic weakness.
There is, however, another dimension to this revival. Stronger demand for automobiles, food, beverages and other domestically oriented products may also reveal the continuing strength of Pakistan’s informal economy. A substantial part of economic activity takes place outside the formal corporate sector and is consequently not fully captured in conventional measures of documented incomes, employment or tax collection. Rising consumption can therefore provide an indirect indication that purchasing power exists beyond what formal-sector indicators alone might suggest.
The picture looks less reassuring when one turns to several of the industries that contracted. Pharmaceuticals, chemicals, iron and steel, fertilisers and basic textiles are not merely suppliers to the domestic market. Several have an important role in supporting exports, either directly or through the wider industrial supply chain. Their declining output may therefore indicate that the expected recovery in external demand has yet to gather sufficient strength.
Domestic consumption can sustain manufacturing for a time, but a durable industrial expansion requires both domestic and export markets. If consumption-led industries grow while export-oriented or export-supporting industries remain weak, the recovery may prove narrower than the LSM headline suggests.
The latest figures thus present two contrasting signals. Domestic demand appears to be improving, partly reflecting the resilience of the informal economy, while the weakness of several export-linked industries suggests that Pakistan has yet to fully regain its competitive position in international markets.
For industry, the next phase will be a make-or-break period. If the improvement is supported by sound policies rather than short-lived measures, manufacturers may consolidate their gains. If costs, energy shortages, regulatory uncertainty and weak investment return, the revival could prove temporary. The opportunity should therefore be used while conditions are favourable, rather than allowing them to slip away.
Published in Dawn, The Business and Finance Weekly, August 31st, 2026
 
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