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Nilgiri

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With this, India now has FTA/CEPA (some through collective ASEAN bloc) with all countries in "RCEP" barring New Zealand and PRC.

These will all be progressively improved and expanded with time.

This approach is likely the best way for India to balance expansion of economic opportunity with friends and keep various PRC state-mercantilism (and the declining geopolitical relationship) at bay as early as possible.

Important for country the size of India to manage these things this way, and take collective analysis of various countries around the world trade/investment results downstream w.r.t PRC and at same time not reward PRC's current trajectory to worsen relations with India.

@Viva_vietnamm @Gessler @Rajendra Chola et al.
 

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With this, India now has FTA/CEPA (some through collective ASEAN bloc) with all countries in "RCEP" barring New Zealand and PRC.

These will all be progressively improved and expanded with time.

This approach is likely the best way for India to balance expansion of economic opportunity with friends and keep various PRC state-mercantilism (and the declining geopolitical relationship) at bay as early as possible.

Important for country the size of India to manage these things this way, and take collective analysis of various countries around the world trade/investment results downstream w.r.t PRC and at same time not reward PRC's current trajectory to worsen relations with India.

@Viva_vietnamm @Gessler @Rajendra Chola et al.
Yep, its time to invest and buy more products from other countries instead of relying heavily on buying China's products, specially when u have serious border conflicts with CN.
 

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KARAMBIR SINGH AND BLAKE HERZINGER
JANUARY 12, 2023

Aircraft carriers from the U.S. and Indian navies sailed together to lead the second phase of the Malabar 2020 exercise, conducting advanced air defense drills with their respective MiG 29K and F-18 fighters. In 2021, American and Indian guided-missile destroyers worked closely together, alongside the USS Carl Vinson and Japanese and Australian frigates and destroyers. Yet despite increased cooperation and regular statements from American and Indian naval leaders expressing a desire to work together more, the India-U.S. naval relationship remains one of considerable untapped potential.

Operational cooperation between the two, once thought to be either politically impossible or simply not in their shared interest, is now a subject of regular conversation in both capitals. India and the United States still have differing views on regional threats and how to uphold international norms. Yet despite these divergences, the Indian and U.S. navies should be operating at sea together to address shared maritime security priorities such as maritime domain awareness and chokepoint security. To do so, the two navies should consider aligning their regional security assistance programs so as to better align training of allied navies, expand cooperation on maritime domain awareness, and expand training exercises and access agreements for maintenance and refueling.

A generation ago, U.S.-India maritime cooperation was limited by India’s commitment to non-alignment during the Cold War, Delhi’s close relationship with the Soviet Union, and Washington’s partnership with Pakistan. While these issues are still salient, mutual concerns about China and American acceptance of India’s nuclear weapons program have created pathways for the two sides to cooperate.


As half of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, or Quad, their cooperation would also send a strong signal of the group’s continued momentum and commitment to maintaining security in the Indo-Pacific. The operational familiarity both partners would gain through greater cooperation would create a solid foundation in five specific areas to help bolster cooperation for future contingencies ranging from humanitarian assistance and disaster relief to high-end naval operations.

Critical skills like underway replenishment, maritime surveillance, and integrating aviation operations do not need a warfighting justification: They are capabilities worth having in peacetime. However, should a more serious contingency arise between either partner and China, having those shared capabilities and operational familiarity will be well worth the early investment.

Security Assistance

The United States and India each have a multiplicity of regional bilateral security assistance relationships that could be increased by coordinating and integrating their parallel approaches.

Both navies conduct significant capacity-building efforts with countries across the Indian Ocean region and Southeast Asia. India has trained Vietnam’s submariners and has entered into a contract to supply the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile to the Philippines. The United States has provided Vietnam with two refurbished Hamilton-class coast guard cutters and maintains a mutual defense treaty with the Philippines, providing it with uncrewed aircraft, weapons, and other defense equipment. Increased bilateral partnership in this area would help the two donors integrate key technologies for the recipients and deliver comprehensive solutions rather than creating a patchwork of donated equipment that cannot be easily integrated. The two states’ expertise in building and integrating maritime sensors, particularly evident in India’s broad distribution of its Coastal Surveillance Radar systems in the region, are valuable separately, but their effects would be multiplied if the delivery of equipment, support, and training were planned and delivered together.

While national objectives may differ to some degree, both India and the United States support good order at sea by giving partners the training and tools to enforce their laws and defend their own sovereignty. The ways navies do this differ very little across national boundaries and generally takes the form of capacity building through delivery of equipment and training — developing new capabilities for partners or honing their existing abilities in certain areas. The U.S. and Indian navies should seek to align their respective capacity-building programs. Doing so will identify where efforts may be overlapping, or divergent, allowing the two forces to find more efficient ways to lift regional naval capacity. Both states already have credible security assistance programs and considerable defense ties in the Indo-Pacific littoral, both of which are important in delivering appropriately tailored solutions to partner states. Establishing this as a cooperative bilateral effort would require both states to make the time for coordination, which would increase bilateral burden-sharing and to deconflict and integrate certain capabilities.

Building Stronger Staff Links

Staff exchanges are a time-tested mechanism for creating confidence and clear communication at the operational levels of militaries and have the added bonus of creating positive interpersonal ties that pay dividends over time and build trust. Progressing the naval relationship to more complex combined operations will rely on these kinds of staff relationships. The U.S. Navy has one liaison officer placed within Delhi’s Information Fusion Centre–Indian Ocean Region supporting its domain awareness mission, but this is insufficient for two navies of this caliber. To move cooperation forward, major commands and fleet headquarters should also exchange liaisons. From an American perspective, this should begin at the Geographic Combatant Command level, with an Indian naval officer embedded on the Indo-Pacific Command staff, and progress down through the U.S. Pacific Fleet, the U.S. Seventh Fleet, and reaching down to the task force level. Including the U.S. Navy’s Commander, Logistics Western Pacific in that construct would create necessary linkages for logistics planning and cooperation. The U.S. Navy’s Combined Task Force-76, responsible for planning and executing U.S. participation in the Malabar exercise, might also be an effective placement for a liaison. From the Indian side, adding U.S. Navy liaisons at its Eastern and Western Commands would be appropriate.

Maritime Domain Awareness

Maritime domain awareness and information-sharing are priorities for both the United States and India, and the two have made inroads on that front, both together and separately. As a general definition, domain awareness is an effective understanding of things under, on, or above the sea that may impact safety, security, the environment, or economy. Both are part of the Quad’s Indo-Pacific Maritime Domain Awareness initiative, and both are active in delivering radars, software, and other sensors to regional states needing support in surveilling their exclusive economic zones. The two could do even more to integrate and share their own common operating pictures. This might start off in a more limited form, focusing on agreed-upon critical chokepoints and sea lines of communication, such as the Straits of Malacca and Singapore, but could grow to encompass the Indian and Pacific Oceans. The two should also consider developing a shared undersea common operating picture, starting with preliminary discussions on potential areas of focus and the fidelity of detail each side might be willing to share.

Learning to Share

The U.S. Navy’s ability to refuel and resupply its own ships relies on 15 Henry J. Kaiser-class replenishment oilers that entered service in the mid-1980s. This number of ships is not enough to provide a lot of spare capacity to meet increasing U.S. Navy commitments around the world. Worse, these ships are aging, as are the civilian mariners operating them. Ensuring resupply ships are where they need to be when they need to be there requires painstaking scheduling, even more so in areas where the U.S. Navy has a limited presence, such as the Indian Ocean. But the Indian Navy operates four tankers in the Indian Ocean, with another five of a new class likely to enter service by 2027. Under the terms of the existing Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement, U.S. ships can take on food, water, petroleum, and other critical supplies from Indian vessels and vice versa.

In 2021, the U.S. Department of Defense and Indian Ministry of Defence renewed a long-term fuel agreement that functions separately from the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement, streamlining the fuel transfer process and, for the United States, designating Indian fuel as a Defense Logistics Agency-approved source, which dispenses with extra administrative requirements like fuel testing applied for non-Defense Logistics Agency-approved sources. These acquisition and cross servicing agreements typically come into play during events like combined exercises, training, and deployments, but can be used to support transiting vessels or those engaged in operations. From the U.S. side, they are implemented by combatant commanders at their discretion, which creates an opportunity for U.S. Indo-Pacific Command to maximize opportunities to take advantage of the capability. As an example of the utility provided by this type of operational flexibility, in June 2020 a U.S. P-8A Poseidon anti-submarine aircraft landed for refueling in India’s Andaman and Nicobar Islands, highlighting the growing cooperation between the two partners.

With these elements in place, a U.S. Navy transit across the Indian Ocean that occurs without meeting an Indian Navy resupply vessel represents a missed opportunity to use these carefully negotiated tools at their disposal. In the same vein, Indian Navy vessels being greeted by U.S. resupply ships when leaving the Indian Ocean would highlight the reciprocal nature of the relationship and increase burden-sharing. The same Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement applies to port services and billeting, creating space for cooperative basing, whether that manifests itself in U.S. ships operating from Indian bases or Indian Navy ships from U.S. facilities. These arrangements could be structured similarly to the U.S. agreement with Singapore to rotationally deploy ships to Singapore without formally basing them there. By operationalizing these agreements, both navies will find new efficiencies and be able to stretch scarce resources further without duplication of effort.

Ship repair and maintenance offers another area of potential cooperation created by these agreements. While U.S. shipyards remain behind and short of the capacity required to keep the U.S. fleet seaworthy, India operates six major shipyards with capacity to spare. In August of 2022, USNS Charles Drew — one of the U.S. Navy’s 14 Lewis and Clark-class dry cargo ships — entered L&T’s Shipyard at Kattupalli, Chennai, for repairs, the first time a U.S. Navy ship was repaired in an Indian shipyard. This is an encouraging start, but the USNS Charles Drew must not be allowed to be a one-off publicity event but rather should be the beginning of a persistent U.S. presence in Indian shipyards to help alleviate a critical maintenance capacity shortfall. Bringing these ships to India will create a new constituency for the bilateral partnership. As shipyards and their communities derive economic benefits from U.S. presence, they are likely to be increasingly invested in the bilateral relationship.

Getting Beyond Training

Bringing U.S.-Indian cooperation a step beyond exercises and into the operational realm should be the next priority. These operations will not be fully integrated at the outset. Coordinated operations in key areas of importance to both navies will suffice to lay a foundation for building upon. There are areas of mutual interest in subjects like anti-submarine warfare in vital sea lines of communication, such as the Indian Ocean approaches to the Strait of Malacca. Coordinating presence and maritime security missions in areas of key importance, such as the Arabian Sea and Persian Gulf, is another area of opportunity and one where there is some headway. During the 2022 U.S.-India 2+2, India formally announced its intention to join the U.S.-led Combined Maritime Forces multilateral as an associate partner. As this operational relationship matures, however, cooperation will become more complex. If the two forces elect to integrate their forces more fully, moving from merely coordinated operations to cooperative or combined activities, their respective command and control software and mission systems will require technical upgrades to communicate with one another. This may take the form of technology transfer from the United States to India to bring it into its existing communications network and data link infrastructure. Interoperability between combat management systems will be needed. Tactics and operational procedures should be deconflicted and shared.

Ultimately, these preliminary operational moves could set the stage for true combined operations. With logistics arrangements in place, cooperative basing available, integrated tactics, and common platforms, interoperability becomes a real possibility. The two navies would be well positioned to work interchangeably in relevant regional missions, like humanitarian assistance operations, which would have broader strategic implications in certain contingencies. While differing strategic priorities and threat perceptions make it unlikely that India would engage militarily in external flashpoints, the Indian Navy could, with sufficiently honed interchangeability, relieve the U.S. Navy of its maritime security responsibilities in the Persian Gulf and Horn of Africa, allowing U.S. forces to flow outward to respond to crises. In the meantime, it should not be unthinkable to imagine escort vessels from either nation escorting the other’s aircraft carriers or embarking aircraft like the MH-60R on one another’s ships. To our minds, blended U.S. Navy -Indian Navy fleets should be considered as an aspirational goal that would open the door for combined presence and humanitarian operations in both the Indian Ocean and the Pacific.

The maritime domain presents an unparalleled opportunity to the navies of the United States and India to advance the security relationship between them. The sea itself is an advantage, as those cooperative activities the two navies pursue can be conducted in international waters, far from prying eyes and without appearing to be overtly pointed in any other state’s direction. While both states face a challenge from China, their relationship need not be entirely defined as a reaction to Beijing. By collaborating more and integrating operations, both navies will further their broader objectives of ensuring free, open and inclusive seas and positively contributing to the regional security architecture.

What Does the Future Hold?

This is not an argument identifying low-hanging fruit: Each of the proposed areas of cooperation will require deft staff work and considerable effort on behalf of operational forces to achieve. But the proposed areas of cooperation are achievable and reflect the strategic priorities that both navies in the region see as most important to their national security. The fact that these proposals will require concerted effort is precisely the reason that the two navies should start work on them now so they are ready when called upon to perform these tasks.

Putting these items on the agenda for the next U.S.-India 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue would signal both governments’ seriousness about increasing naval cooperation and incentivize military commands to prioritize them in key engagements and staff talks. This would also help both sides to push through the institutionalized lazy thinking around operational cooperation. Within the respective bureaucracies, it can be too easy to dismiss an idea because “the other side doesn’t do that,” but this is a new era for the India-U.S. relationship, and restricting ourselves to our past experiences or assumptions without asking questions is a recipe for failure. A clear sign from the top that these types of interactions are both possible and desirable will help create momentum.

Operationally, the bulk of the work will fall to the respective commands responsible for the coordination — India’s Eastern and Western Commands, the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, and the U.S. Pacific Fleet. Within that framework, the two can create operational frameworks to align security assistance, exchange staff liaisons, share maritime domain awareness information, arrange for regular logistics interactions, and integrate forces to build interoperability and, more importantly, interchangeability.

While initial progress may be slow, increasing cooperation is the most effective way to surmount remaining trust barriers and create the bilateral relationship that both sides want but may be too afraid to ask for. A strong India-U.S. naval relationship’s reason for being need not be an explicit bogeyman — navies’ peacetime functions offer more than enough room for cooperation in areas of critical importance to both states. But the skills built in peacetime will create the operational familiarity and flexibility needed to deal with future contingencies in the Indo-Pacific.

Adm. Karambir Singh (Ret. ) was the Republic of Indias 24th chief of the naval staff and is chairman of the National Maritime Foundation.

Blake Herzinger (@BDHerzinger) is a nonresident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. The views expressed in this article are those of the authors alone and do not represent those of the U.S. Navy, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. government.
 

Nilgiri

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JANUARY 31, 2023

President Biden and Prime Minister Modi announced the U.S.-India initiative on Critical and Emerging Technology (iCET) in May 2022 to elevate and expand our strategic technology partnership and defense industrial cooperation between the governments, businesses, and academic institutions of our two countries.

The United States and India affirm that the ways in which technology is designed, developed, governed, and used should be shaped by our shared democratic values and respect for universal human rights. We are committed to fostering an open, accessible, and secure technology ecosystem, based on mutual trust and confidence, that will reinforce our democratic values and democratic institutions.

Today, the two National Security Advisors led the inaugural meeting of the iCET in Washington, DC. They were joined on the U.S. side by the Administrator of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, the Director of the National Science Foundation, the Executive Secretary of the National Space Council, and senior officials from the Department of State, Department of Commerce, the Department of Defense, and the National Security Council. On the Indian side, the Ambassador of India to the United States, the Principal Scientific Advisor to the Government of India, the Chairman of the Indian Space Research Organization, the Secretary of the Department of Telecommunications, the Scientific Advisor to the Defense Minister, the Director General of the Defence Research and Development Organization, and senior officials from the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology and the National Security Council Secretariat participated. The two sides discussed opportunities for greater cooperation in critical and emerging technologies, co-development and coproduction, and ways to deepen connectivity across our innovation ecosystems. They noted the value of establishing “innovation bridges” in key sectors, including through expos, hackathons, and pitch sessions. They also identified the fields of biotechnology, advanced materials, and rare earth processing technology as areas for future cooperation.

The United States and India underlined their commitment to working to resolve issues related to regulatory barriers and business and talent mobility in both countries through a standing mechanism under iCET. This followed the January 30 roundtable hosted by the U.S.-India Business Council with U.S. Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo, U.S. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, and Indian National Security Advisor Ajit Doval, and other senior U.S. and Indian officials and brought together more than 40 CEOs, university presidents, and thought leaders from both countries to accelerate opportunities for increased technology cooperation.

To expand and deepen our technology partnership, the United States and India are launching new bilateral initiatives and welcoming new cooperation between our governments, industry and academia in the following domains:

Strengthening our Innovation Ecosystems

  • Signing a new Implementation Arrangement for a Research Agency Partnership between the National Science Foundation and Indian science agencies to expand international collaboration in a range of areas — including artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, and advanced wireless — to build a robust innovation ecosystem between our countries.
  • Establishing a joint Indo-U.S. Quantum Coordination Mechanism with participation from industry, academia, and government to facilitate research and industry collaboration.
  • Drawing from global efforts to develop common standards and benchmarks for trustworthy AI through coordinating on the development of consensus, multi-stakeholder standards, ensuring that these standards and benchmarks are aligned with democratic values.
  • Promoting collaboration on High Performance Computing (HPC), including by working with Congress to lower barriers to U.S. exports to India of HPC technology and source code.
Defense Innovation and Technology Cooperation

  • Developing a new bilateral Defense Industrial Cooperation Roadmap to accelerate technological cooperation between both countries for the joint development and production, with an initial focus on exploring projects related to jet engines, munition related technologies, and other systems.
  • Noting the United States has received an application from General Electric to jointly produce jet engines that could power jet aircraft operated and produced indigenously by India. The United States commits to an expeditious review of this application.
  • Enhancing long-term research and development cooperation, with a focus on identifying maritime security and intelligence surveillance reconnaissance (ISR) operational use cases.
  • Launching a new “Innovation Bridge” that will connect U.S. and Indian defense startups.
Resilient Semiconductor Supply Chains

  • Enhancing bilateral collaboration on resilient semiconductor supply chains; supporting the development of a semiconductor design, manufacturing, and fabrication ecosystem in India; and leveraging complementary strengths, both countries intend to promote the development of a skilled workforce that will support global semiconductor supply chains and encourage the development of joint ventures and technology partnerships on mature technology nodes and packaging in India.
    • Welcoming a task force organized by the U.S. Semiconductor Industry Association (SIA) in partnership with the India Electronics Semiconductor Association (IESA) with participation from the Government of India Semiconductor Mission to develop a “readiness assessment” to identify near-term industry opportunities and facilitate longer-term strategic development of complementary semiconductor ecosystems.
    • This task force will make recommendations to the Department of Commerce and the India Semiconductor Mission on opportunities and challenges to overcome in order to further strengthen India’s role within the global semiconductor value chain, and will also provide input to the U.S.-India Commercial Dialogue. The task force will also identify and facilitate workforce development, R&D including with respect to advanced packaging, and exchange opportunities to benefit both countries.
Space

  • Strengthening cooperation on human spaceflight, including establishing exchanges that will include advanced training for an Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO)/Department of Space astronaut at NASA Johnson Space Center.
  • Identifying innovative approaches for the commercial sectors of the two countries to collaborate, especially with respect to activities related to NASA’s Commercial Lunar Payload Services (CLPS) project. Within the next year, NASA, with ISRO, will convene U.S. CLPS companies and Indian aerospace companies to advance this initiative.
  • Initiating new STEM talent exchanges by expanding the Professional Engineer and Scientist Exchange Program (PESEP) to include space science, Earth science, and human spaceflight and extending a standing invitation to ISRO to participate in NASA’s biannual International Program Management Course
  • Strengthening the bilateral commercial space partnership, including through a new U.S. Department of Commerce and Indian Department of Space-led initiative under the U.S.-India Civil Space Joint Working Group. This initiative will foster U.S.-India commercial space engagement and enable growth and partnerships between U.S. and Indian commercial space sectors.
  • Welcoming the visit this week by the ISRO Chairman to the United States, as well as a visit to India by the NASA Administrator later in 2023.
  • Expanding the agenda of the U.S.-India Civil Space Joint Working Group to include planetary defense.
Science, Technology, Engineering and Math Talent:

  • Noting a new joint task force of the Association of American Universities and leading Indian educational institutions, including Indian Institutes of Technology, which will make recommendations for research and university partnerships.
Next Generation Telecommunications:

  • Launching a public-private dialogue on telecommunications and regulations.
  • Advancing cooperation on research and development in 5G and 6G, facilitating deployment and adoption of Open RAN in India, and fostering global economies of scale within the sector.
The United States and India look forward to the next iCET meeting in New Delhi later in 2023. The National Security Councils of both countries will coordinate with their respective ministries, departments and agencies to work with their counterparts to advance cooperation, and to engage with stakeholders to deliver on ambitious objectives ahead of the next meeting.
 

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Yes, I saw this on an Indian youtube channel today.

Collaboration with GE on jet engines...I read that you had a progressive cooperation with France on jet engines and airplanes. It seemed to me more like a US project to tie India to itself. It could hamper efforts to develop and produce indigenously. I wonder where technology transfer or sharing will be in all this.

It is clear that all countries hostile to China will be made happy by the US. Of course, when the time comes, the price will be demanded against China.
 

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Collaboration with GE on jet engines...I read that you had a progressive cooperation with France on jet engines and airplanes. It seemed to me more like a US project to tie India to itself. It could hamper efforts to develop and produce indigenously. I wonder where technology transfer or sharing will be in all this.

The French (though very valued and experienced in Indian defence strategic partnership so far) have not been fully appreciative regarding Indian needs, expedience and optimal cooperation in the jet engine (GTRE - Safran) domain.

One understands why given their bargaining power being large given:

a) Russian lack of achievement in the apex of this domain that India wants to catch up on
b) The sour taste left after the 98 nuclear tests by India w.r.t US and UK

They (French) will need some reference pressure to better mould their bargaining strength and the US is largest one out there to do this as that relationship continues to fructify with India.

What happened w.r.t Barracuda SSN w.r.t AUKUS will be advantageous to India to imply to strengthen its hand w.r.t French cooperation.

We shall see how it all goes I suppose though.

It is clear that all countries hostile to China will be made happy by the US. Of course, when the time comes, the price will be demanded against China.

That is something for China to consider and stop picking fights unnecessarily.

India behind the scenes welcomes the WMD nuclearisation of Japan and South Korea.... and will also welcome the "Israeli neither confirm nor deny" option w.r.t Taiwan too.

China will be made to understand it reaps what it sows....and if it doesn't want to reap it, it better not sow it.
 

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The French (though very valued and experienced in Indian defence strategic partnership so far) have not been fully appreciative regarding Indian needs, expedience and optimal cooperation in the jet engine (GTRE - Safran) domain.

One understands why given their bargaining power being large given:

a) Russian lack of achievement in the apex of this domain that India wants to catch up on
b) The sour taste left after the 98 nuclear tests by India w.r.t US and UK

They (French) will need some reference pressure to better mould their bargaining strength and the US is largest one out there to do this as that relationship continues to fructify with India.

What happened w.r.t Barracuda SSN w.r.t AUKUS will be advantageous to India to imply to strengthen its hand w.r.t French cooperation.

We shall see how it all goes I suppose though.



That is something for China to consider and stop picking fights unnecessarily.

India behind the scenes welcomes the WMD nuclearisation of Japan and South Korea.... and will also welcome the "Israeli neither confirm nor deny" option w.r.t Taiwan too.

China will be made to understand it reaps what it sows....and if it doesn't want to reap it, it better not sow it.
I don't know, is China picking a fight right now? I don't see it doing anything against any country, I don't know if there is something we don't know. The China, Taiwan thing is something between two brothers, just like the two Koreas.

What I see is that although there is no threat against the United States at the moment, the United States is waging an all-out war against China. I guess the US is fighting for the fact that only one in the world who can wage war and exploit the world. It doesn't want a partner in the world, whether it's China or India, it doesn't matter.

The USA and China are a danger to the world, other countries should not follow these countries, they should be protected from these two countries.

India will be the only country that will suffer loss and disaster if it becomes a tool of the policies of these two countries.
 

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I don't know, is China picking a fight right now? I don't see it doing anything against any country, I don't know if there is something we don't know. The China, Taiwan thing is something between two brothers, just like the two Koreas.

What I see is that although there is no threat against the United States at the moment, the United States is waging an all-out war against China. I guess the US is fighting for the fact that only one in the world who can wage war and exploit the world. It doesn't want a partner in the world, whether it's China or India, it doesn't matter.

The USA and China are a danger to the world, other countries should not follow these countries, they should be protected from these two countries.

India will be the only country that will suffer loss and disaster if it becomes a tool of the policies of these two countries.

Yes they are being extremely aggressive against India in the himalaya border (both sectors) right now. 20 Indian soldiers lost their lives in the major engagement in 2020 and China (as typical) did not release their much larger casualty toll. There is extreme uneasiness that has set in for both border sectors.

Xi has deliberately taken these steps to try coerce India....and now will have to face the long term blowback. You can also go to Indonesian section and enquire with members there about Chinese operations in Natuna islands increasing (its same phenomenon though less intensity, but it has started where it didnt before).

We welcome the US doing as much as possible in making sure CCP is dealt with in as harsh terms as required.

The backdrop of China providing Pakistan nuclear weapons will also now be increasingly addressed by making sure their entire eastern seaboard has vastly larger numbers of that (along with other significant military assets) pointed at their population centres....with all the commensurate sensoring advantage that close distance provides. Maximum help will be given to Taiwan behind the scenes regarding this as well.

These are all things China (CCP) should have shown serious approach on first (i.e stop sowing what it does against India)....otherwise we welcome everyone else sowing what they do against China and will aid in all of that 100% as long as the CCP chooses to pursue this path it has picked under Xi....and continues to purposefully make things worse.

The CCP (even after coming to power) long has this problem on sowing such mass-damaging things internally on their own people be it Great Leap Forward, Cultural Revolution, extreme Hukou obeisance, One child policy and decision to base virus research centers in middle of large cities (leading to latest china made damage internally and on the world).

So as the power at their disposal grows and their overall totalitarian attitude does not change (and in fact gets worse under Xi), there will be the commensurate response from rest of world in its free agency.....as rest of the world is quite different and has different lived experiences and political systems and objectives to the CCP.
 

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Yes they are being extremely aggressive against India in the himalaya border (both sectors) right now. 20 Indian soldiers lost their lives in the major engagement in 2020 and China (as typical) did not release their much larger casualty toll. There is extreme uneasiness that has set in for both border sectors.

Xi has deliberately taken these steps to try coerce India....and now will have to face the long term blowback. You can also go to Indonesian section and enquire with members there about Chinese operations in Natuna islands increasing (its same phenomenon though less intensity, but it has started where it didnt before).

We welcome the US doing as much as possible in making sure CCP is dealt with in as harsh terms as required.

The backdrop of China providing Pakistan nuclear weapons will also now be increasingly addressed by making sure their entire eastern seaboard has vastly larger numbers of that (along with other significant military assets) pointed at their population centres....with all the commensurate sensoring advantage that close distance provides. Maximum help will be given to Taiwan behind the scenes regarding this as well.

These are all things China (CCP) should have shown serious approach on first (i.e stop sowing what it does against India)....otherwise we welcome everyone else sowing what they do against China and will aid in all of that 100% as long as the CCP chooses to pursue this path it has picked under Xi....and continues to purposefully make things worse.

The CCP (even after coming to power) long has this problem on sowing such mass-damaging things internally on their own people be it Great Leap Forward, Cultural Revolution, extreme Hukou obeisance, One child policy and decision to base virus research centers in middle of large cities (leading to latest china made damage internally and on the world).

So as the power at their disposal grows and their overall totalitarian attitude does not change (and in fact gets worse under Xi), there will be the commensurate response from rest of world in its free agency.....as rest of the world is quite different and has different lived experiences and political systems and objectives to the CCP.
Border disputes are problems to be solved through dialogue. India built nuclear weapons because China has achieved nuclear power. Pakistan made nuclear weapons because India became a nuclear power, and there is no problem with that either.

America does all the negative things you mentioned. It distributes democracy all over the world with blood and wars.

I wonder if these Japanese, Indians and Koreans are blinded, they support the US with love and fervor. The US will use these countries as pawns against China. They seem to be happy to be used.

What countries like India, Korea, Japan, Indonesia, etc. should do is to unite among themselves against China. They should not act with the plans of the US.
 

Afif

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Nilgiri

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Border disputes are problems to be solved through dialogue. India built nuclear weapons because China has achieved nuclear power. Pakistan made nuclear weapons because India became a nuclear power, and there is no problem with that either.

America does all the negative things you mentioned. It distributes democracy all over the world with blood and wars.

I wonder if these Japanese, Indians and Koreans are blinded, they support the US with love and fervor. The US will use these countries as pawns against China. They seem to be happy to be used.

What countries like India, Korea, Japan, Indonesia, etc. should do is to unite among themselves against China. They should not act with the plans of the US.

That is all easier said than done.

Where interests align, we cooperate. Where they don't align, we do not.

It's not like US and PRC have not cooperated together against India before.

US moved a CBG taskforce to threaten India at same time PRC moved large chunks of its military to border areas with India...during the Bangladesh liberation war. It is still remembered in India to this day (along with other things both countries have done since that are harmful to India and its interests....either together or by themselves)

We do not blindly follow anyone.... the perfect autonomy issue I suppose gets more difficult for smaller countries.

That is their call to make on that. We make our own relations with them with that considered in.
 

rai456

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Border disputes are problems to be solved through dialogue. India built nuclear weapons because China has achieved nuclear power. Pakistan made nuclear weapons because India became a nuclear power, and there is no problem with that either.

America does all the negative things you mentioned. It distributes democracy all over the world with blood and wars.

I wonder if these Japanese, Indians and Koreans are blinded, they support the US with love and fervor. The US will use these countries as pawns against China. They seem to be happy to be used.

What countries like India, Korea, Japan, Indonesia, etc. should do is to unite among themselves against China. They should not act with the plans of the US.
Korea and Japan owe a lot to the USA. They benefited immensely from US aid after WW2. South Korea itself would not exist and then South Koreans would be living in poverty under the current North Korean regime if the US had not defended them in the Korean war.
 

Baryshx

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Korea and Japan owe a lot to the USA. They benefited immensely from US aid after WW2. South Korea itself would not exist and then South Koreans would be living in poverty under the current North Korean regime if the US had not defended them in the Korean war.
The US didn't do it because it loves the Koreans so much. It happened because of the conflict of interests and sharing between China, Russia and the US.

Not to mention Japan. After all, it surrendered when it lost the war.
 

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Indian Army (Gharwal Regiment) and JGSDF participating in Exercise Dharma Guardian 22

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Nilgiri

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Japan PM Fumio Kishida who was a two-day visit to India earlier this week announced the new plan for 'Free & Open Indo-Pacific.' While delivering the 41st Sapru House Lecture in Delhi, the Japan PM said that India is an indispensable partner to achieve 'Free & Open Indo-Pacific'. He also highlighted the three new pillars of cooperation for Free & Open Indo-Pacific as well as the four methods to achieve this.

 

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