“Red rim soldiers”: the changing leadership of Thailand’s military in 2020

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GENERAL APIRAT KONGSOMPONG WITH HIS RED-RIM T-SHIRT VISIBLE UNDER HIS UNIFORM. Image credit: Facebook page ศูนย์ไซเบอร์กองทัพบก, creative commons

As protests on the streets and opposition in parliament intensify in Thailand, Prime Minister (retired General) Prayuth Chan-ocha will increasingly look to the armed forces to retain power. But the army may not continue supporting Prayuth given a growing number of soldiers see him as slow to crack down on protestors, which the army perceives as inimical to the palace and armed forces. At the same time, the military has become increasingly factionalised and Prayuth’s clique is diminishing in influence among senior officers.
Thailand’s 19 September 2020 announcement of the 1 October armed forces reshuffle demonstrates these conclusions. In fact, a transition in Thailand’s military leadership has been taking place since the passing of the previous monarch in 2016. As I stated last year in New Mandala, persistence and change in the military hierarchy are often best reflected in yearly military appointments. Thailand’s 2020 annual reshuffle is no different. 782 appointments (19 of which are women) involved 482 officers of at least the ranks Army Major General (185), Navy Rear Admiral (163), and Air Force Air Vice Marshal (134), making for another year of a senior-officer, top-heavy military.


As protests on the streets and opposition in parliament intensify in Thailand, Prime Minister (retired General) Prayuth Chan-ocha will increasingly look to the armed forces to retain power. But the army may not continue supporting Prayuth given a growing number of soldiers see him as slow to crack down on protestors, which the army perceives as inimical to the palace and armed forces. At the same time, the military has become increasingly factionalised and Prayuth’s clique is diminishing in influence among senior officers.
Thailand’s 19 September 2020 announcement of the 1 October armed forces reshuffle demonstrates these conclusions. In fact, a transition in Thailand’s military leadership has been taking place since the passing of the previous monarch in 2016. As I stated last year in New Mandala, persistence and change in the military hierarchy are often best reflected in yearly military appointments. Thailand’s 2020 annual reshuffle is no different. 782 appointments (19 of which are women) involved 482 officers of at least the ranks Army Major General (185), Navy Rear Admiral (163), and Air Force Air Vice Marshal (134), making for another year of a senior-officer, top-heavy military.
Since 2008 (following legal changes as a result of the 2006 coup), the reshuffles have been determined by a committee vote of members of the Defence Council (Commanders of the Army, Navy, Air Force and Royal Thai Armed Forces Headquarters as well as the Defence Permanent Secretary, Defence Minister and Deputy Defence Minister). It is a process meant to favour armed forces preferences, while stifling civilian control.
However, unlike the previous monarch who tended to balance out factions, the current king has been proactive in pressuring for his preferred candidates to lead the security services. Royal efforts have successively produced two personal palace favourites in the post of Army Commander: Generals Chalermchai Sitthisart (2016-18) and Apirat Kongsompong (2018-20). This palace penchant directly contributed to the weakening of the then-dominant army faction Buraphapayak (the Second Infantry Division “Eastern Tigers”)—the faction of Prayuth, Deputy Prime Minister General Prawit Wongsuwan and Interior Minister General Anupong Paochinda.

As protests on the streets and opposition in parliament intensify in Thailand, Prime Minister (retired General) Prayuth Chan-ocha will increasingly look to the armed forces to retain power. But the army may not continue supporting Prayuth given a growing number of soldiers see him as slow to crack down on protestors, which the army perceives as inimical to the palace and armed forces. At the same time, the military has become increasingly factionalised and Prayuth’s clique is diminishing in influence among senior officers.
Thailand’s 19 September 2020 announcement of the 1 October armed forces reshuffle demonstrates these conclusions. In fact, a transition in Thailand’s military leadership has been taking place since the passing of the previous monarch in 2016. As I stated last year in New Mandala, persistence and change in the military hierarchy are often best reflected in yearly military appointments. Thailand’s 2020 annual reshuffle is no different. 782 appointments (19 of which are women) involved 482 officers of at least the ranks Army Major General (185), Navy Rear Admiral (163), and Air Force Air Vice Marshal (134), making for another year of a senior-officer, top-heavy military.
Since 2008 (following legal changes as a result of the 2006 coup), the reshuffles have been determined by a committee vote of members of the Defence Council (Commanders of the Army, Navy, Air Force and Royal Thai Armed Forces Headquarters as well as the Defence Permanent Secretary, Defence Minister and Deputy Defence Minister). It is a process meant to favour armed forces preferences, while stifling civilian control.
However, unlike the previous monarch who tended to balance out factions, the current king has been proactive in pressuring for his preferred candidates to lead the security services. Royal efforts have successively produced two personal palace favourites in the post of Army Commander: Generals Chalermchai Sitthisart (2016-18) and Apirat Kongsompong (2018-20). This palace penchant directly contributed to the weakening of the then-dominant army faction Buraphapayak (the Second Infantry Division “Eastern Tigers”)—the faction of Prayuth, Deputy Prime Minister General Prawit Wongsuwan and Interior Minister General Anupong Paochinda.
Buraphapayak was the leading army faction from 2007 until 2016. But the traditionally dominant faction had been Wongthewan (“Divine Progeny”), a clique led by elite military families dating back to 1870, representing the 1st Division, King’s Guard. Almost all previous Thai military strongmen were members of this faction, including Generals Plaek Phibunsongkram, Sarit Thanarat, Thanom Kittikachorn, Praphas Charusatien, Krit Sivara and Suchinda Kraprayoon. But when Thaksin Shinawatra became prime minister in 2001, he was able to incorporate many of its members under his sway. The result was that Buraphapayak was favoured by Thaksin’s foe, then-Privy Council Chair General Prem Tinsulanonda, to lead the 2006 coup.
Because the current monarch previously commanded various units within the King’s Guard, he is considered close to Wongthewan. Since becoming king, he has promoted Wongthewan military officers such as Apirat.
But recently, a new special royalist faction—revolving around the King’s Royal Guard 904 and derived from Wongthewan—has become the dominant army clique. The group is known as the “Tahan Kaw Daeng” (Red Rim Soldiers) and takes its name from the red-rimmed t-shirts which they wear during and upon completion of a gruelling three-month Elite King’s Guard training program. Officers from any unit or faction can enter the program and after graduation can claim a connection to the palace as Royal 904 soldiers. Passing the program makes them much more com petitive candidates for the top-most army and armed forces postings.


Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha (centre) showing respects to royalty. Image credit: National News Bureau of Thailand


As protests on the streets and opposition in parliament intensify in Thailand, Prime Minister (retired General) Prayuth Chan-ocha will increasingly look to the armed forces to retain power. But the army may not continue supporting Prayuth given a growing number of soldiers see him as slow to crack down on protestors, which the army perceives as inimical to the palace and armed forces. At the same time, the military has become increasingly factionalised and Prayuth’s clique is diminishing in influence among senior officers.
Thailand’s 19 September 2020 announcement of the 1 October armed forces reshuffle demonstrates these conclusions. In fact, a transition in Thailand’s military leadership has been taking place since the passing of the previous monarch in 2016. As I stated last year in New Mandala, persistence and change in the military hierarchy are often best reflected in yearly military appointments. Thailand’s 2020 annual reshuffle is no different. 782 appointments (19 of which are women) involved 482 officers of at least the ranks Army Major General (185), Navy Rear Admiral (163), and Air Force Air Vice Marshal (134), making for another year of a senior-officer, top-heavy military.
Since 2008 (following legal changes as a result of the 2006 coup), the reshuffles have been determined by a committee vote of members of the Defence Council (Commanders of the Army, Navy, Air Force and Royal Thai Armed Forces Headquarters as well as the Defence Permanent Secretary, Defence Minister and Deputy Defence Minister). It is a process meant to favour armed forces preferences, while stifling civilian control.
However, unlike the previous monarch who tended to balance out factions, the current king has been proactive in pressuring for his preferred candidates to lead the security services. Royal efforts have successively produced two personal palace favourites in the post of Army Commander: Generals Chalermchai Sitthisart (2016-18) and Apirat Kongsompong (2018-20). This palace penchant directly contributed to the weakening of the then-dominant army faction Buraphapayak (the Second Infantry Division “Eastern Tigers”)—the faction of Prayuth, Deputy Prime Minister General Prawit Wongsuwan and Interior Minister General Anupong Paochinda.
Buraphapayak was the leading army faction from 2007 until 2016. But the traditionally dominant faction had been Wongthewan (“Divine Progeny”), a clique led by elite military families dating back to 1870, representing the 1st Division, King’s Guard. Almost all previous Thai military strongmen were members of this faction, including Generals Plaek Phibunsongkram, Sarit Thanarat, Thanom Kittikachorn, Praphas Charusatien, Krit Sivara and Suchinda Kraprayoon. But when Thaksin Shinawatra became prime minister in 2001, he was able to incorporate many of its members under his sway. The result was that Buraphapayak was favoured by Thaksin’s foe, then-Privy Council Chair General Prem Tinsulanonda, to lead the 2006 coup.
Because the current monarch previously commanded various units within the King’s Guard, he is considered close to Wongthewan. Since becoming king, he has promoted Wongthewan military officers such as Apirat.
But recently, a new special royalist faction—revolving around the King’s Royal Guard 904 and derived from Wongthewan—has become the dominant army clique. The group is known as the “Tahan Kaw Daeng” (Red Rim Soldiers) and takes its name from the red-rimmed t-shirts which they wear during and upon completion of a gruelling three-month Elite King’s Guard training program. Officers from any unit or faction can enter the program and after graduation can claim a connection to the palace as Royal 904 soldiers. Passing the program makes them much more competitive candidates for the top-most army and armed forces postings.

Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha (centre) showing respects to royalty. Image credit: National News Bureau of Thailand

The creation of the Red Rim Soldiers aims to establish greater army cohesion around loyalty to the monarch. Red Rim Soldiers are increasingly being promoted to command positions in the army and armed forces (see Tables 1, 2 and 3).
This week’s 2020 reshuffle was uncommonly important because all five “Five Tigers” at the highest level of Thailand’s security services, as well as all heads of Thailand’s four regional commands, retired simultaneously. Their replacements were all individuals with credentials linking them to the regal institution.

Starting at the topmost post of Defence Forces Commander is the appointment of Gen. Chalermpol Srisawasdi to replace outgoing Wongthewan Gen. Pornpipat Benyasiri. Chalermpol is a Red Rim Cavalry officer who previously served in a special unit under the Royal Guards 904. Turning to the all-powerful army, retiring Red Rim/Wongthewan Army Chief Gen. Apirat Kongsompong has been promoted to be the Deputy Royal Palace Secretary alongside arch-royalist Police Colonel Narat Savestanan. Both will serve directly under the King’s confidante ACM Satitpong Sukvimol, the head of the Royal Household Bureau and Crown Property Bureau.
As protests on the streets and opposition in parliament intensify in Thailand, Prime Minister (retired General) Prayuth Chan-ocha will increasingly look to the armed forces to retain power. But the army may not continue supporting Prayuth given a growing number of soldiers see him as slow to crack down on protestors, which the army perceives as inimical to the palace and armed forces. At the same time, the military has become increasingly factionalised and Prayuth’s clique is diminishing in influence among senior officers.
Thailand’s 19 September 2020 announcement of the 1 October armed forces reshuffle demonstrates these conclusions. In fact, a transition in Thailand’s military leadership has been taking place since the passing of the previous monarch in 2016. As I stated last year in New Mandala, persistence and change in the military hierarchy are often best reflected in yearly military appointments. Thailand’s 2020 annual reshuffle is no different. 782 appointments (19 of which are women) involved 482 officers of at least the ranks Army Major General (185), Navy Rear Admiral (163), and Air Force Air Vice Marshal (134), making for another year of a senior-officer, top-heavy military.
Since 2008 (following legal changes as a result of the 2006 coup), the reshuffles have been determined by a committee vote of members of the Defence Council (Commanders of the Army, Navy, Air Force and Royal Thai Armed Forces Headquarters as well as the Defence Permanent Secretary, Defence Minister and Deputy Defence Minister). It is a process meant to favour armed forces preferences, while stifling civilian control.
However, unlike the previous monarch who tended to balance out factions, the current king has been proactive in pressuring for his preferred candidates to lead the security services. Royal efforts have successively produced two personal palace favourites in the post of Army Commander: Generals Chalermchai Sitthisart (2016-18) and Apirat Kongsompong (2018-20). This palace penchant directly contributed to the weakening of the then-dominant army faction Buraphapayak (the Second Infantry Division “Eastern Tigers”)—the faction of Prayuth, Deputy Prime Minister General Prawit Wongsuwan and Interior Minister General Anupong Paochinda.
Buraphapayak was the leading army faction from 2007 until 2016. But the traditionally dominant faction had been Wongthewan (“Divine Progeny”), a clique led by elite military families dating back to 1870, representing the 1st Division, King’s Guard. Almost all previous Thai military strongmen were members of this faction, including Generals Plaek Phibunsongkram, Sarit Thanarat, Thanom Kittikachorn, Praphas Charusatien, Krit Sivara and Suchinda Kraprayoon. But when Thaksin Shinawatra became prime minister in 2001, he was able to incorporate many of its members under his sway. The result was that Buraphapayak was favoured by Thaksin’s foe, then-Privy Council Chair General Prem Tinsulanonda, to lead the 2006 coup.
Because the current monarch previously commanded various units within the King’s Guard, he is considered close to Wongthewan. Since becoming king, he has promoted Wongthewan military officers such as Apirat.
But recently, a new special royalist faction—revolving around the King’s Royal Guard 904 and derived from Wongthewan—has become the dominant army clique. The group is known as the “Tahan Kaw Daeng” (Red Rim Soldiers) and takes its name from the red-rimmed t-shirts which they wear during and upon completion of a gruelling three-month Elite King’s Guard training program. Officers from any unit or faction can enter the program and after graduation can claim a connection to the palace as Royal 904 soldiers. Passing the program makes them much more competitive candidates for the top-most army and armed forces postings.
Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha (centre) showing respects to royalty. Image credit: National News Bureau of Thailand
The creation of the Red Rim Soldiers aims to establish greater army cohesion around loyalty to the monarch. Red Rim Soldiers are increasingly being promoted to command positions in the army and armed forces (see Tables 1, 2 and 3).
This week’s 2020 reshuffle was uncommonly important because all five “Five Tigers” at the highest level of Thailand’s security services, as well as all heads of Thailand’s four regional commands, retired simultaneously. Their replacements were all individuals with credentials linking them to the regal institution

Starting at the topmost post of Defence Forces Commander is the appointment of Gen. Chalermpol Srisawasdi to replace outgoing Wongthewan Gen. Pornpipat Benyasiri. Chalermpol is a Red Rim Cavalry officer who previously served in a special unit under the Royal Guards 904. Turning to the all-powerful army, retiring Red Rim/Wongthewan Army Chief Gen. Apirat Kongsompong has been promoted to be the Deputy Royal Palace Secretary alongside arch-royalist Police Colonel Narat Savestanan. Both will serve directly under the King’s confidante ACM Satitpong Sukvimol, the head of the Royal Household Bureau and Crown Property Bureau.

Succeeding Apirat as Army Commander is Red Rim/Wongthewan Gen. Narongphan Jitkaewthae. Narongphan’s elevation through the ranks has been extremely rapid since the beginning of the current reign. He is the former commander of the Royal Rachawallop 904 Special Military Task Force and considered extremely loyal to the current monarch. He is rumoured to be much more virulently reactionary than Apirat and will serve as Army Chief for three years until he retires in 2023.
Regarding the Air Force, the incoming Air Force Commander is ACM Airbull Suttiwan. Airbull is a member of a faction of Air Force officers whose members served as attaches in Germany (including his predecessor and three other recent Air Force chiefs). The connection to Germany is significant with regard to royal goings-on in Munich.
Replacing Police Commissioner Gen. Chakthip Chaijinda is Suwat Chaengyodsuk. While a close chum of Chakthip and fellow member of pre-cadet class 20 and police academy class 36, his appointment was nonetheless surprising, especially since he was fifth in line in terms of seniority to succeed Chakthip. What assured Suwat of the job was a connection to the palace: he was a royal aide under the current king and former commander of the Special Service Division, a unit renamed in 2019 as the Rachawallop Police Retainers, Kings Guard 904.

"Red rim soldiers": the changing leadership of Thailand’s military in 2020 - New Mandala

The palace is working to fill leading army positions with its own faction—the Red Rim Group.

www.newmandala.org