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The UK government has launched a new scheme that aims to drive trade with Bangladesh and other countries boosting jobs and growth.

The new trading rules will help countries come out of poverty and also help British businesses and consumers at the same time, they said.

The UK Developing Countries Trading Scheme (DCTS) is a major opportunity to grow free and fair trade with developing nations.

Javed Patel, acting British High Commissioner in Dhaka, said the proposed DCTS scheme signals the UK’s appetite to promote global free, competitive and fair trade, "as well as demonstrating our commitment to Bangladesh, by enabling Bangladeshi businesses to access the UK market more easily."

He said: "Bilateral trade between the UK and Bangladesh stands at almost £4 billion and there is room for growth. I encourage businesses here in Bangladesh to contribute to this important consultation through their trade bodies.”

The proposed scheme would apply to 70 qualifying countries currently and include improvements such as lower tariffs and simpler rules of origin requirements for countries exporting to the UK, allowing countries to diversify their exports and grow their economies.

The UK currently operates a similar scheme rolled over from the European Union (EU), but as an independent trading nation can now take a simpler, more generous, pro-growth approach to trading with developing countries.

The proposed new UK scheme will mean more opportunity and less bureaucracy for developing countries, for example by simplifying rules of origin requirements or reducing tariffs on imports. For instance, this could mean lowering tariffs on products, including rice from Pakistan and trainers from Nigeria.

International Trade Secretary Liz Truss said trade fundamentally empowers people and has done more than any single policy in history to lift millions of people around the world out of poverty.

“Now the UK is an independent trading nation, we have a huge opportunity to do things differently, taking a more liberal, pro-trade approach that leads to growth and opportunity.

“Countries like Bangladesh and Vietnam have proven it’s possible to trade your way to better living standards, and our new Developing Countries Trading Scheme will help others do the same," Truss said.

Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab said that cutting tariffs for poorer countries enables them to trade their way to genuine independence, "and I’m proud we lead the world in offering that opportunity."

Bangladesh and Vietnam have demonstrated that increasing trade through schemes like the UK’s DCTS helped them grow their economy, improve living standards, and drive down poverty, said the British High Commission in Dhaka on Tuesday.

Vietnam’s exports to the UK grew more than tripled between 2009 and 2019.

Over this period, the country achieved an average growth rate of more than 6%, while poverty rates plummeted from more than 20% in 2010 to an estimated 5.9% in 2020.

The UK's total imports from Bangladesh more than doubled between 2009 and 2019, during which time the country achieved an average growth rate of 6.6%. Extreme poverty rates more than halved from 1991 to 2016-17.

The UK government intends its new scheme to be the best in class and has studied programs in Canada, the US, Japan and the EU, before constructing an approach that takes some of the strongest elements of each and builds on them.

The consultation on the UK’s new scheme runs for eight weeks and seeks the view of all sectors of society, including businesses, the public, civil society groups, consumers, associations, partner governments, and any other interested stakeholders.

Views will also be sought from businesses and stakeholders with an interest across the globe.

The UK Developing Countries Trading Scheme will apply to 47 countries in the Least Developed Country Framework (LDCF) and 23 additional countries classified by the World Bank as low-income and lower-middle-income countries.

Other low-income and lower-middle-income countries are not included in the scheme because they benefit from preferential terms offered by free trade agreements with the UK.

Bangladesh and Vietnam reported changes in poverty are based on the international poverty line of $1.90 and $3.20, respectively, per person, per day in 2011 Purchasing Power Parity dollars.

 

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Damen’s Global Dredging Headquarters in Nijkerk hosted recently His Excellency Anne van Leeuwen, the new Dutch Ambassador to Bangladesh, who will be starting in his new post in Dhaka, Bangladesh, next month.

The ambassador was there on a fact-finding mission to learn about dredging, including the latest technology now in use, as well as the training and other services that Damen provides to its clients.

Damen has a long history of dredging in Bangladesh – a vital activity in a country that is the exit point of the River Ganges, the world’s third largest river, and where two-thirds of the land area is less than five metres above sea level.

In the years since the country’s independence in 1972, Damen has not only delivered a number of Cutter Suction Dredgers (CSDs), tugs, high speed crew vessels and Multi Cat workboats, but also a comprehensive lifecycle support package that includes spare parts, training programmes and innovative remote access applications.

During his visit, Ambassador Van Leeuwen expressed his appreciation both for Dutch maritime companies supporting the economic and environmental strategic Delta Plan 2100 launched by the Bangladesh government in 2018, and the positive contribution made by Damen Shipyards to the country over the years.

 

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Foreign Minister Dr AK Abdul Momen on Monday reiterated the government position against any long-term programme by the World Bank for the integration of Rohingyas into Bangladesh but indicated some adjustments on the proposal.

He said there might be some adjustments with the World Bank proposal with Bangladesh giving its priority to repatriation of the Rohingyas.

"We've dropped all ideas (from WB proposal) that don't match with our own philosophy that's repatriation," Dr Momen told reporters, adding that there will be an MoU if the WB agrees with the Bangladesh proposal.


1627914539054.png


Brazilian Ambassador to Bangladesh Joao Tabajara de Oliveira Junior paid a courtesy call on Chief of Army Staff General SM Shafiuddin Ahmed at the army headquarters on Monday.

The Inter-Services Public Relations Directorate (ISPR) confirmed the matter via a press release issued in this regard.

During the meeting, they exchanged greetings and discussed the existing good relations between the armed forces of the two nations and its continued progression in the future.

At that time, the army chief thanked the Brazilian ambassador for his visit.

 

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Foreign Minister Dr AK Abdul Momen on Monday reiterated the government position against any long-term programme by the World Bank for the integration of Rohingyas into Bangladesh but indicated some adjustments on the proposal.

He said there might be some adjustments with the World Bank proposal with Bangladesh giving its priority to repatriation of the Rohingyas.

"We've dropped all ideas (from WB proposal) that don't match with our own philosophy that's repatriation," Dr Momen told reporters, adding that there will be an MoU if the WB agrees with the Bangladesh proposal.
Now it's Happening... Yohohoho 😹😹😹
 

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US-China Rivalry a Foreign Policy Headache for Bangladesh​

OPINION - June 2, 2021

By Sheikh Rahman

CC US Department of State, modified, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Secretary_Kerry_Walks_With_Bangladeshi_Prime_Minister_Sheikh_Hasina_Wazed_in_Dhaka_(28692596773).jpg


Chinese Ambassador Li Jiming recently sought to warn a prospective alliance partner in Bangladesh not to join the Quad, adding that Bangladesh would “substantially damage” its relationship with China by joining the alliance aimed at countering China’s expansion in the Southern Asian region.

The ambassador’s remarks were then sharply criticized by the Bangladeshi Foreign Minister Abdul Momen as being presumptuous since the Quad had not yet approached the government, stating moreover that the decision to join or not is entirely a sovereign issue. Momen expressed extreme dissatisfaction over the perceived “interference” from the Chinese ambassador, terming the statement “aggressive” and “regretful.” According to the minister, the nation’s foreign policy adheres to the principles of non-alignment and maintains a “balanced” approach that’s independent of any external influence or pressure.

Washington has surely taken note of the Bangladeshi foreign minister’s response to China’s ‘warning’ on the Quad as an act of assertiveness regarding the sovereign nation’s right to decide its (own) foreign policy. For its part, China Foreign Office spokesperson Hua Chunying denied the alleged interference, pointing out that a “clique” under the guise of the Quad is “sowing the seeds of discord” between regional states and China. Chunying went on to characterize the Quad as an organization bent upon maligning the rise of China; and one that practices “hegemonism.”

In a subsequent meeting with the secretary of the ministry of foreign affairs, however, Ambassador Li Jiming suggested that the comment was a response to a question and a personal opinion, misconstrued by the media, rather than a position of the Chinese government.

The Indian media described the response of the Bangladesh government as a “curt refusal” to Beijing’s plea to a key partner within the strategically positioned Indian Ocean littoral.

However, in one article published by the Daily Star, former ambassador Humayun Kabir points out that the mere suggestion of a Chinese diplomat does not constitute “interference,” as perceived by the local media and government officials in Dhaka.

Although this matter may be dismissed as a diplomatic faux pas, several questions have been raised by opposing sides that deserves an introspective review.

Bangladesh remained non-committal in responding to expressions of interest from both China and the United States seeking to establish some kind of defense-security partnership. In prioritizing issues of national security and foreign policy, the Chinese leaders seem to focus first on economic interests followed by security aspects; compared to the Americans who put security and strategic interests ahead of any economic and investment prospects.

In contrast, recent foreign policy practice of Bangladesh puts top priority on economic growth in its discussions with external powers, often ignoring any attempts at forging security or defense partnerships. Conclusively, this begs the question – will any of the regional or global powers be willing to come to Bangladesh’s aid in the event of a crisis, absent any such security commitments?

Bangladesh seems to have been caught up in the US-China rivalry in the South Asia/Indian Ocean region. Specifically, this contest seems to be over controlling access to the Bay of Bengal and projecting sphere(s) of influence through the Indo-Pacific region.

Prudent policy makers and strategic analysts cannot rule out the possibility of a potential conflict breaking out in the event of an intrusion into the vicinity of Bay of Bengal by naval powers competing for strategic space. The probability of such an outbreak of hostilities between opposing naval powers in the Bay of Bengal has worsened lately due to ongoing political instability in neighboring Myanmar.

It’s thus possible that the turmoil next door could eventually spill over into the territory of Bangladesh. As noted by the Secretary General of the United Nations Antonio Guterres, and reaffirmed by the Bangladeshi Foreign Minister Abdul Momen, the presence of more than a million Rohingya in refugee camps in the coastal town of Cox’s Bazar can be a source of destabilizing influence upon regional security.

Wei Fenghe, China’s defense minister, held meetings with the Bangladesh President Abdul Hamid and the chief of army on April 27, in which Wei expressed a keen desire to “jointly maintain regional peace and stability” and jointly thwart the “alliances and hegemonic influences of external powers.”

What strategic interest are in play for China? As Tuneer Mukherjee argues in The Diplomat, “The Indian Ocean and its surrounding waters are home to China’s principal shipping lanes, and there is a need to guard its economic and energy security against an adversarial power seeking to infringe on Chinese access to these waters. China has, therefore, embarked on an agenda to actualize a commercial support base in the [Indian Ocean region], which could later be leveraged militarily.” Another BBC report on China’s “string of pearls” strategy in the Indian Ocean Region concludes that “large-scale aid for Chittagong port development represents Beijing’s attempt to realize some special purposes.”

Beijing denies any such linkages in its involvement in the development of the Chittagong port. However, the example of Sri Lanka’s Hambantota Port would suggest otherwise.

Wider geopolitical implications surrounding the development of the Chittagong port cannot be totally ruled out since the location of the Bay of Bengal is extremely desirable for advancing China’s strategic interests. Beijing had previously pushed the Bangladesh government to go ahead with the deep seaport project at Sonadia, hoping to gain a footprint in the Bay of Bengal. Objections from Delhi convinced the government to drop the project during the visit of the prime minister to Beijing in March of 2014, causing big disappointment for the Chinese leadership.

Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao signed a deal with the visiting Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in March of 2014 for an estimated $8.7 billion dollar investment to develop the Chittagong port. Plans to transform the Patenga port into a regional hub had been designed to cater to shipping demand in Bangladesh, the northeastern states of India, and access for Chinese commercial and naval vessels to the Bay of Bengal.

Sino-Bangladesh collaboration on the port development project paved the way for the subsequent funding of mega-infrastructure and energy projects, and extending the Belt and Road Initiative into Bangladesh. China is now in a position to exert leverage upon the debtor nation, and at a convenient juncture can convert the commercial purpose of the port development into dual-use since the contracts potentially allow the lenders to influence debtors’ domestic and foreign policies.

A recent review of 100 debt contracts with foreign governments published in AIDDATA’s study entitled How China Lends describes the terms that typically link foreign policy to aid. Foreign aid is often used by developed nations to influence the behavior of the recipient-nations. And as the largest official creditor in the world, China has adopted even more stringent terms and conditions, according to the study.

China is wary of Western democracies working against its economic expansion and establishment of security and strategic partnerships in the littorals of the Indian Ocean. China has to contend with its chief rival India, the dominant power in the region, while operating in India’s backyard. It also has to countervail against the intrusive powers of the United States and its alliance partners (the Quad) in the Indian Ocean region.

What appears to be a strategic move on the part of the defense minister in actuality likely stems from an apprehension over this “bulwark against China” that’s being organized by the US-led Quadrilateral Defense Dialogue. Vigorous campaigns by the US Secretary of State to build an anti-China coalition of democracies, by strengthening security ties and emphasizing military-to-military cooperation with Indo-Pacific nations, have heightened overall tensions in the region. Recent military agreements signed by the United States with India and the Maldives; and, the Malabar exercises of the Quad accentuated the sense of threat emanating from China’s strategic expansion into the Indian Ocean region.

The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) is an evolving informal organization of the United States, Australia, Japan, and India focused on regional security of the Indo-Pacific region. Primary objectives of the Quad are the creation of a rule-based international order and a free and open Indo-Pacific.

In the wake of the US-Chinese competition to win allies in the Indo-Pacific region and a gradual shift of strategic focus toward the littorals of the Indian Ocean – Bangladesh gained eminence in the eyes of these global and the regional powers.

As the US-China strategic competition assumed a military dimension on both sides of the equation, the urgency to elevate the strategic partnership with Bangladesh into a military-to-military alliance seemed to be the way forward for the Chinese Defense Minister Wei Fenghe. China’s longstanding friendship with Bangladesh – dating back to the signing of the umbrella defense cooperation agreement in December of 2002, followed by the upgrading of the defense pact to a strategic partnership by President Xi during the visit to Dhaka in 2016 – provided sufficient confidence to attempt to take the relationship to the next level.

China is also Bangladesh’s largest trading partner, with two-way trade expected to reach $18 billion by 2021. The majority of the country’s defense purchases (nearly 65%) originate from China, with total procurement of $2.85 billion over the last two decades (2000-2019). The Bangladesh Navy also purchased two Ming class submarines from China.

BRI funds pledged for the development of energy, transportation, and infrastructure are estimated at $24 billion and, potentially, scale up to $42 billion when all loans, grants, technical assistance, and investments in joint-ventures are taken into account. BRI funds played a critical role in the maintenance of the upward movement of the nation on its growth trajectory.

 

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Foreign Minister Dr AK Abdul Momen on Monday reiterated the government position against any long-term programme by the World Bank for the integration of Rohingyas into Bangladesh but indicated some adjustments on the proposal.

He said there might be some adjustments with the World Bank proposal with Bangladesh giving its priority to repatriation of the Rohingyas.

"We've dropped all ideas (from WB proposal) that don't match with our own philosophy that's repatriation," Dr Momen told reporters, adding that there will be an MoU if the WB agrees with the Bangladesh proposal.

The World Bank today published a set of Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs) to address their position on the Rohingya crisis.

Their statement on Rohingya repatriation and recently published Refugee Policy Review are given below through the answers provided on their website :

1. What is the World Bank's position on the repatriation of the displaced Rohingya population?

Ans: The World Bank is helping Bangladesh address the needs of the displaced Rohingya population until their safe and voluntarily return to Myanmar. The World Bank is also supporting Bangladesh to minimize the impact of the influx on the host communities.

2. How much has the World Bank committed to support Bangladesh to address the challenges created by the influx of the displaced Rohingya population?

Ans: The World Bank has committed $590 million for Bangladesh to address the health, informal education, safety net, water and sanitation, and basic infrastructure, including climate resilient roads, solar street lights, and disaster preparedness needs of both the displaced Rohingya and host communities in Cox's Bazar.

The World Bank's research and analysis are also providing insights for understanding the challenges and development priorities in Cox's Bazar.

3. Is this support a loan or a grant?

Ans: The entire $590 million financing is on grant terms. This is not a credit.

4. What is the purpose of the Refugee Policy Review?

Ans: The Refugee Policy Review aims to evaluate the effectiveness and impact of the World Bank financing for the refugee and host communities.

This review has been done in each of the 14 World Bank member countries that are currently hosting displaced population.

5. How was the Refugee Policy Review done?

Ans: The review was done by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) following the Refugee Policy Review Framework. UNHCR collected baseline information on the existing policies, practices, and programs.

6. Does the Refugee Policy Review make specific recommendations to Bangladesh regarding the Rohingya population?

Ans: No, the review does not make any country-specific recommendations.

World Bank Country Director for Bangladesh and Bhutan Mercy Tembon in a statement said the proposed Refugee Policy Review aims at evaluating the effectiveness of the World Bank's effort in supporting the refugee hosting countries across the world.

"The review for Bangladesh summarizes the existent policies, practices and implementation," she said.

The WB representative also noted that the organisation is supporting the government of Bangladesh with $590 million grant financing to address the needs of the displaced Rohingya population until their safe and voluntary return to Myanmar.

The expenditure is also for minimising the impact on the host communities, the statement read.

Earlier on Monday, Foreign Minister AK Abdul Momen said Dhaka defines Rohingyas as forcibly displaced Myanmar citizens, not refugees.

"Bangladesh prioritises their repatriation. They will go back," the minister told journalists in Dhaka.

The WB reviews its refugee policy framework every three years before mobilising funds under the International Development Assistance window. The global lender recently sought opinions of 16 refugee hosting countries, including Bangladesh, on its latest policy review.

The WB letter to the Economic Relations Division (ERD) spoke of the freedom of movement, birth certificate, privileges of education and job for the Rohingyas.

 

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দুই দিনের বৈরাগী ভাতেরে কয় অন্ন।
Someone please translate this.

What are the NGO's doing?

Bangladesh & Myanmar: More than 100,000 Babies Born in Refugee and Displacement Camps in Recent Years​

Media Contact: Erin Taylor 267.250.8829 (M)
Claire Garmirian 203.209.8545 (M)
An entire generation of children are having their futures robbed, warns Save the Children

FAIRFIELD, Conn. (Aug. 24, 2020)—An estimated 108,037 mostly Rohingya children have been born in confinement in Bangladesh and Myanmar over the past several years, new analysis by Save the Children has found. They are living in conditions not suitable for children, with limited access to education and healthcare, no freedom of movement, and almost entirely dependent on aid.

To mark three years since more than 700,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar in the wake of brutal violence which the UN has described as a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing,” Save the Children analyzed population data from the refugee camps in Bangladesh (since August 2017) and the displacement camps in Myanmar’s Rakhine State (since 2012).

Using UNHCR data from Cox’s Bazar up until May 31, 2020, the children’s aid agency found there are currently an estimated 75,971 children under three years in the refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar—or nine percent of the total refugee population. The implication is that almost all of them were born after their mothers fled to Bangladesh.

 

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US-China Rivalry a Foreign Policy Headache for Bangladesh​

OPINION - June 2, 2021

By Sheikh Rahman

CC US Department of State, modified, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Secretary_Kerry_Walks_With_Bangladeshi_Prime_Minister_Sheikh_Hasina_Wazed_in_Dhaka_(28692596773).jpg


Chinese Ambassador Li Jiming recently sought to warn a prospective alliance partner in Bangladesh not to join the Quad, adding that Bangladesh would “substantially damage” its relationship with China by joining the alliance aimed at countering China’s expansion in the Southern Asian region.

The ambassador’s remarks were then sharply criticized by the Bangladeshi Foreign Minister Abdul Momen as being presumptuous since the Quad had not yet approached the government, stating moreover that the decision to join or not is entirely a sovereign issue. Momen expressed extreme dissatisfaction over the perceived “interference” from the Chinese ambassador, terming the statement “aggressive” and “regretful.” According to the minister, the nation’s foreign policy adheres to the principles of non-alignment and maintains a “balanced” approach that’s independent of any external influence or pressure.

Washington has surely taken note of the Bangladeshi foreign minister’s response to China’s ‘warning’ on the Quad as an act of assertiveness regarding the sovereign nation’s right to decide its (own) foreign policy. For its part, China Foreign Office spokesperson Hua Chunying denied the alleged interference, pointing out that a “clique” under the guise of the Quad is “sowing the seeds of discord” between regional states and China. Chunying went on to characterize the Quad as an organization bent upon maligning the rise of China; and one that practices “hegemonism.”

In a subsequent meeting with the secretary of the ministry of foreign affairs, however, Ambassador Li Jiming suggested that the comment was a response to a question and a personal opinion, misconstrued by the media, rather than a position of the Chinese government.

The Indian media described the response of the Bangladesh government as a “curt refusal” to Beijing’s plea to a key partner within the strategically positioned Indian Ocean littoral.

However, in one article published by the Daily Star, former ambassador Humayun Kabir points out that the mere suggestion of a Chinese diplomat does not constitute “interference,” as perceived by the local media and government officials in Dhaka.

Although this matter may be dismissed as a diplomatic faux pas, several questions have been raised by opposing sides that deserves an introspective review.

Bangladesh remained non-committal in responding to expressions of interest from both China and the United States seeking to establish some kind of defense-security partnership. In prioritizing issues of national security and foreign policy, the Chinese leaders seem to focus first on economic interests followed by security aspects; compared to the Americans who put security and strategic interests ahead of any economic and investment prospects.

In contrast, recent foreign policy practice of Bangladesh puts top priority on economic growth in its discussions with external powers, often ignoring any attempts at forging security or defense partnerships. Conclusively, this begs the question – will any of the regional or global powers be willing to come to Bangladesh’s aid in the event of a crisis, absent any such security commitments?

Bangladesh seems to have been caught up in the US-China rivalry in the South Asia/Indian Ocean region. Specifically, this contest seems to be over controlling access to the Bay of Bengal and projecting sphere(s) of influence through the Indo-Pacific region.

Prudent policy makers and strategic analysts cannot rule out the possibility of a potential conflict breaking out in the event of an intrusion into the vicinity of Bay of Bengal by naval powers competing for strategic space. The probability of such an outbreak of hostilities between opposing naval powers in the Bay of Bengal has worsened lately due to ongoing political instability in neighboring Myanmar.

It’s thus possible that the turmoil next door could eventually spill over into the territory of Bangladesh. As noted by the Secretary General of the United Nations Antonio Guterres, and reaffirmed by the Bangladeshi Foreign Minister Abdul Momen, the presence of more than a million Rohingya in refugee camps in the coastal town of Cox’s Bazar can be a source of destabilizing influence upon regional security.

Wei Fenghe, China’s defense minister, held meetings with the Bangladesh President Abdul Hamid and the chief of army on April 27, in which Wei expressed a keen desire to “jointly maintain regional peace and stability” and jointly thwart the “alliances and hegemonic influences of external powers.”

What strategic interest are in play for China? As Tuneer Mukherjee argues in The Diplomat, “The Indian Ocean and its surrounding waters are home to China’s principal shipping lanes, and there is a need to guard its economic and energy security against an adversarial power seeking to infringe on Chinese access to these waters. China has, therefore, embarked on an agenda to actualize a commercial support base in the [Indian Ocean region], which could later be leveraged militarily.” Another BBC report on China’s “string of pearls” strategy in the Indian Ocean Region concludes that “large-scale aid for Chittagong port development represents Beijing’s attempt to realize some special purposes.”

Beijing denies any such linkages in its involvement in the development of the Chittagong port. However, the example of Sri Lanka’s Hambantota Port would suggest otherwise.

Wider geopolitical implications surrounding the development of the Chittagong port cannot be totally ruled out since the location of the Bay of Bengal is extremely desirable for advancing China’s strategic interests. Beijing had previously pushed the Bangladesh government to go ahead with the deep seaport project at Sonadia, hoping to gain a footprint in the Bay of Bengal. Objections from Delhi convinced the government to drop the project during the visit of the prime minister to Beijing in March of 2014, causing big disappointment for the Chinese leadership.

Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao signed a deal with the visiting Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in March of 2014 for an estimated $8.7 billion dollar investment to develop the Chittagong port. Plans to transform the Patenga port into a regional hub had been designed to cater to shipping demand in Bangladesh, the northeastern states of India, and access for Chinese commercial and naval vessels to the Bay of Bengal.

Sino-Bangladesh collaboration on the port development project paved the way for the subsequent funding of mega-infrastructure and energy projects, and extending the Belt and Road Initiative into Bangladesh. China is now in a position to exert leverage upon the debtor nation, and at a convenient juncture can convert the commercial purpose of the port development into dual-use since the contracts potentially allow the lenders to influence debtors’ domestic and foreign policies.

A recent review of 100 debt contracts with foreign governments published in AIDDATA’s study entitled How China Lends describes the terms that typically link foreign policy to aid. Foreign aid is often used by developed nations to influence the behavior of the recipient-nations. And as the largest official creditor in the world, China has adopted even more stringent terms and conditions, according to the study.

China is wary of Western democracies working against its economic expansion and establishment of security and strategic partnerships in the littorals of the Indian Ocean. China has to contend with its chief rival India, the dominant power in the region, while operating in India’s backyard. It also has to countervail against the intrusive powers of the United States and its alliance partners (the Quad) in the Indian Ocean region.

What appears to be a strategic move on the part of the defense minister in actuality likely stems from an apprehension over this “bulwark against China” that’s being organized by the US-led Quadrilateral Defense Dialogue. Vigorous campaigns by the US Secretary of State to build an anti-China coalition of democracies, by strengthening security ties and emphasizing military-to-military cooperation with Indo-Pacific nations, have heightened overall tensions in the region. Recent military agreements signed by the United States with India and the Maldives; and, the Malabar exercises of the Quad accentuated the sense of threat emanating from China’s strategic expansion into the Indian Ocean region.

The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) is an evolving informal organization of the United States, Australia, Japan, and India focused on regional security of the Indo-Pacific region. Primary objectives of the Quad are the creation of a rule-based international order and a free and open Indo-Pacific.

In the wake of the US-Chinese competition to win allies in the Indo-Pacific region and a gradual shift of strategic focus toward the littorals of the Indian Ocean – Bangladesh gained eminence in the eyes of these global and the regional powers.

As the US-China strategic competition assumed a military dimension on both sides of the equation, the urgency to elevate the strategic partnership with Bangladesh into a military-to-military alliance seemed to be the way forward for the Chinese Defense Minister Wei Fenghe. China’s longstanding friendship with Bangladesh – dating back to the signing of the umbrella defense cooperation agreement in December of 2002, followed by the upgrading of the defense pact to a strategic partnership by President Xi during the visit to Dhaka in 2016 – provided sufficient confidence to attempt to take the relationship to the next level.

China is also Bangladesh’s largest trading partner, with two-way trade expected to reach $18 billion by 2021. The majority of the country’s defense purchases (nearly 65%) originate from China, with total procurement of $2.85 billion over the last two decades (2000-2019). The Bangladesh Navy also purchased two Ming class submarines from China.

BRI funds pledged for the development of energy, transportation, and infrastructure are estimated at $24 billion and, potentially, scale up to $42 billion when all loans, grants, technical assistance, and investments in joint-ventures are taken into account. BRI funds played a critical role in the maintenance of the upward movement of the nation on its growth trajectory.


we Indonesian already dealing with this issue since at least two decades long
 

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any tips on how to deal with it ?

Get the benefit from both of them, US for Defense security and China for economy assistance

Not to mention US would prop their allies like South Korea, Japan and European Union to prop your economy by Investment and preferential trade concession if you give them "hope"
 

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You have to see our GEOGRAPHY. We are truly needed if anything happens between China and India.

That's why close cooperation with US is all more important, only them can sent meaningful assets in the region (US Pacific Command and MENA region) to prevent full blown conflict between India versus China
 

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That's why close cooperation with US is all more important, only them can sent meaningful assets in the region (US Pacific Command and MENA region) to prevent full blown conflict between India versus China
Both countries, India and China are penny pinchers, there will be a full scale war between the two, Accountants will not let that happen.
 

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You have to see our GEOGRAPHY. We are truly needed if anything happens between China and India.

Have to also see the geography on Chinese (i.e Tibetan) side. Stationing and supplying forces there (at scale) is no cakewalk....compared to having river plain nearby.
 

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Simply posting the chicken neck will not suffice.

How many divisions are in the NE to begin with, supplied and logistically ensconced by the brahmaputra valley.

....and same question for the PLA, and what are they supplied by? Tibetan topography play any role?

Nixon pleaded with chicoms to intervene to stop your country's liberation.

They didn't. What influenced their thinking back then?
 

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