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Yasar_TR

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That's now how weapon acquisition works. Greece has the same level or more control over their Israeli weapons than we have on S-400 or F-16.
Exactly! When you buy weapon systems you pay over the odds, especially when it is clear that you need them. Add to that the current atmosphere of political and military uncertainty; it is not very feasible to pay for weapons in this climate. But when you feel desperate then you have no choice.

Greece mainland with its seas plus Aegean islands with its surrounding seas adds up to 347000 square kilometres. That is half of total Turkish mainland.

No particulars of the Achilles Shield System that Greece is purchasing have been made public. But a system that costs 3.4 billion dollars is not going to be able to give full protection to such a large area.
A radar capable of detecting medium range ballistic missiles like the one in Kurecik will cost well in excess of 1 billion dollars.

To give a rough idea; as a rule of thumb, on a modern AD destroyer like tf2000 the main radar would cost 25% of the vessel’s total cost. That means 0.4billion dollars for a detection range of 400km. To cover that much area would require many of those radars.

In short 3.4 billion dollars is not going to be nowhere enough to give full protection.
 

GoatsMilk

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Exactly! When you buy weapon systems you pay over the odds, especially when it is clear that you need them. Add to that the current atmosphere of political and military uncertainty; it is not very feasible to pay for weapons in this climate. But when you feel desperate then you have no choice.

Greece mainland with its seas plus Aegean islands with its surrounding seas adds up to 347000 square kilometres. That is half of total Turkish mainland.

No particulars of the Achilles Shield System that Greece is purchasing have been made public. But a system that costs 3.4 billion dollars is not going to be able to give full protection to such a large area.
A radar capable of detecting medium range ballistic missiles like the one in Kurecik will cost well in excess of 1 billion dollars.

To give a rough idea; as a rule of thumb, on a modern AD destroyer like tf2000 the main radar would cost 25% of the vessel’s total cost. That means 0.4billion dollars for a detection range of 400km. To cover that much area would require many of those radars.

In short 3.4 billion dollars is not going to be nowhere enough to give full protection.

After the pager incident, the isrealis have pretty much shown themselves that they will sink to no low to gain an advantage over their foes. Probably the air defence systems will be hooked into the Isreali military and if need be can be fired by them to provoke a war. Risky situation for the greeks, especially when the isrealis consider everyone dumb goyim.
 

Pokemonte13

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After the pager incident, the isrealis have pretty much shown themselves that they will sink to no low to gain an advantage over their foes. Probably the air defence systems will be hooked into the Isreali military and if need be can be fired by them to provoke a war. Risky situation for the greeks, especially
when the isrealis consider everyone dumb goyim.
its likely that they technically could but it seriously harm their ability sell weapons. Most likely they just have access to all the data those system are gathering
 

nick.f76

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The Israeli model cannot simply be copied wholesale. Geography is perhaps the biggest difference. Israel is a narrow, relatively compact strip of land, where critical centres (metropolitan areas, military bases, energy facilities and infrastructure) can be organised within a more clearly defined space. Greece, by contrast, has a large mainland area, mountainous terrain, extensive sea zones and hundreds of inhabited islands. There can therefore be no single dome placed over the entire country.

Feferman believes this changes the layout rather than the underlying philosophy. Greek authorities will need to decide which points constitute critical nodes: military and air bases, airports, ports, energy facilities, key civilian infrastructure, major population centres and, of course, specific islands. Different air defence hubs will then be built around these points, though they will not function as isolated pockets of technology.

Everything has to feed back into the same operational picture. The point, he stresses, is to avoid gaps between different capabilities, while also avoiding a situation where two or three systems end up expending valuable munitions against the same threat.

This is where a shift emerges that has more to do with twenty-first century warfare than with traditional Greek thinking on air defence. The war in Ukraine, the attacks in the Red Sea and, above all, Israel’s successive conflicts have shown that the most expensive missile is not always the most significant threat. A large-scale attack using dozens or hundreds of far cheaper drones can simply be designed to saturate the defence and exhaust interceptor stockpiles. The problem, then, is also an economic one. It makes little sense to shoot down a target worth a few thousand euros with a missile costing hundreds of thousands, when a cheaper and equally safe alternative exists.

An incoming missile or drone can be identified by the network, its likely target area calculated, and the system can then help the operator decide whether it needs to be intercepted, which weapon should be used, or whether its trajectory does not justify expending a valuable interceptor. Artificial intelligence, he stresses, speeds up this process but does not replace the human element. “There is a human element at the end,” he says, particularly when available munitions are limited and choices have to be made.

Israel’s experience adds a second dimension here that is often missing from discussions about interceptors: passive defence. Even the best systems do not achieve an absolute success rate. Israel therefore invested heavily in an extensive population warning system, capable of narrowing an alert down to specific cities and, in some cases, to specific areas within a city.

Feferman points out that public education, shelters and the ability of the population to know within minutes what to do are all part of the same defence equation. For Greece, then, the “Shield” is gradually opening up a discussion that goes beyond military bases: how civil protection should be organised in the face of a modern missile attack or mass drone assault.
 

GoatsMilk

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its likely that they technically could but it seriously harm their ability sell weapons. Most likely they just have access to all the data those system are gathering

If it happened, greeks couldnt accuse isreal because their dependent on them. Even if they did accuse isreal, isreal would just deny it. Its not like greeks dont have an international reputation for making shit up. Do you remember the term "greek statistics"?
 

Fatman17

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Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said Sunday that with the new Mecca Joint Defense Agreement, member countries Türkiye, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan took a step to send a signal to the Islamic world.
 

Fatman17

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Kalın held talks with Afghan officials including General Directorate of Intelligence head Abdul Haq Wasiq, first deputy prime minister Abdul Ghani Baradar, Interior Minister Sirajuddin Haqqani and Defense Minister Mawlawi Mohammad Yaqoob Mujahid.

The talks focused on steps to deepen security and intelligence cooperation between Türkiye and Afghanistan, as well as bilateral relations
 

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