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NATO receives fifth and final Phoenix AGS UAV​


NATO has received its fifth and final Northrop Grumman RQ-4D Phoenix unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) that will form the air component of its Alliance Ground Surveillance (AGS) capability, the Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE) announced.

With five Phoenix UAVs now received, the NATO AGS capability is tracking towards IOC this year and FOC in 2022. (NATO)

With five Phoenix UAVs now received, the NATO AGS capability is tracking towards IOC this year and FOC in 2022. (NATO)

The delivery of aircraft NATO-05 from Palmdale in California into Main Operating Base (MOB) Sigonella on the island of Sicily, Italy, was announced on 12 November. This event is one of the final milestones before initial operating capability (IOC) is declared for the multinational programme by the end of this year, with full operating capability (FOC) following in 2022.

As previously reported by Janes, the AGS programme is designed to provide NATO member nations with a persistent and near real-time, all-weather, wide-area terrestrial, and maritime surveillance system in support of a range of missions, such as the protection of ground troops and civilian populations, border control, maritime safety, and humanitarian assistance.

The capability is built around five Global Hawk Block 40-derived RQ-4D high-altitude, long-endurance (HALE) UAVs that are fitted with Northrop Grumman’s Multi-Platform Radar Technology Insertion Program (MP-RTIP) radar (designated the AN/ZPY-2 in USAF service), which is an X-band active electronically scanned-array (AESA) sensor with a ground moving- target indicator (GMTI), a synthetic aperture radar (SAR), air track, concurrent moving target indication, cued search, and ground high-resolution radar modes.

 

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Together with the National Armaments Directors of the other 14 countries that participate in the initiative, the National Armaments Directors of Canada, Romania and Australia signed a corresponding amendment to the Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative Declaration of Intent in the margins of their virtual autumn meeting.

Australia’s accession to the Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative marks the first time that a NATO partner across the globe joins one of NATO’s multinational High Visibility Projects (HVP).

As a multinational hub, the Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative allows participants to work together on all aspects associated with introducing unmanned systems into their navies.

“New maritime unmanned systems technologies can be a game-changer in countering multiple threats in the maritime domain”, said the NATO Assistant Secretary General for Defence Investment Camille Grand. “Today the Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative has the pleasure to welcome Canada, Romania and our partner Australia as new members. This shows that our multinational projects are also to the benefit of all Allies and our partners across the globe”.

The Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative was launched by the Defence Ministers from thirteen Allies in October of 2018. Since then, the initiative has led to a range of activities, including operational experimentations, exchanges with the private sector on innovation and initial efforts to develop specific capabilities.

The introduction of maritime unmanned systems can create a fundamental shift in countering multiple threats in the maritime domain. For example, using Maritime Unmanned Vehicles can help effectively counter new submarines armed with more powerful weapons. They can also prevent military personnel from moving into risky situations in countering threats like sea mines.

The Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative enables Allies and partners to proactively shape these developments, combining the economies of scale and ingenuity offered by agile multinational cooperation.

With the arrival of the three new participants, the Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative now has 17 members: Canada, Romania and Australia, as well as Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Spain, Turkey, the United Kingdom and the United States.


@Costin84 @Vergennes
 

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NSPA SUCCESSFULLY COMPLETES DISMANTLING AND DISPOSAL OF 483 LEOPARD1 MAIN BATTLE TANKS​


NSPA has successfully completed Dismantling and Disposal of 483 Leopard1 Main Battle Tanks, generating a revenue of 2.7MEUR.

The Leopard 1A2 Main Battle Tanks, with the 105mm cannon, were processed through on-site demilitarization and dismantling. Despite Covid-19 mandated work restrictions, the project was achieved within schedule and scope.

The project thoroughly followed all steps of the dismantling and disposal processes in compliance with the Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) standards. Activities also included the professional identification, removal and treatment of hazardous material. Each Leopard 1A2 contained for example waste fuel and oil, lead batteries and 22kg of asbestos.

More than 24 tons of iron/steel and non-ferrous metals were recovered from each tank and sold on the global scrap metal market. Eventually, this project yielded a total return of approximately 2.7MEUR or 5,500EUR per tank for the owning country (scrap metal sales minus disposal costs related to labor, hazmat treatment, transportation, etc.).

For the first time, NSPA requested a detailed record of the contained materials, their quantities and sales prices. This information will set a benchmark and enable NSPA to develop dependable proposals for future projects in an area where statistics are scarce.

This project demonstrates NSPA's capability and value for Member Nations of the Demilitarization, Dismantling and Disposal (D3) Support Partnership. NSPA can support user nations' surplus offices by providing tailored D3 expertise, strategic planning and actual execution through a global contractor framework. Such support is equally available to non-Member Nations.

NSPA successfully completes Dismantling and Disposal of 483 Leopard1 Main Battle Tanks


 

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Adapting NATO for 2030 and beyond​


Speech by NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg at the 66th Annual Session of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly​



(As delivered)




Thank you so much, President Mesterházy, dear Attila.
And thank you for your leadership of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly in this very difficult period.
I really enjoyed working with you and appreciate also the many phone calls we had during your tender as the President of the NPA.
Honourable members.
Dear friends and colleagues.
It is a pleasure to be with you all again.
I last addressed your Annual Session a year ago in London.
Since then, COVID-19 has changed our lives in ways we could barely have imagined.
None of the countries and communities you represent have been left untouched.
NATO Allies and our militaries have been supporting each other and our partners throughout this pandemic.
Transporting critical medical supplies, patients and experts. Setting up military field hospitals and securing borders. Supporting civilian efforts and helping to save lives.
As we now face the next wave, NATO has established a stockpile of medical supplies in Italy. It’s already being used to provide for Allies in need.
Just in the last few weeks, we have distributed hundreds of extra ventilators to our Allies in Albania, the Czech Republic, Montenegro and North Macedonia.
And we are ready to provide further assistance.

At the same time, we remain vigilant and ready. Because NATO’s main responsibility is to make sure this health crisis does not become a security crisis.
Our military readiness has been upheld. And our missions and operations continue.
From our battlegroups in the east of the Alliance. To Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq.
This is NATO adaptation at its best.
And this is what I want to talk to you about today. How NATO can continue to evolve, in the face of an ever-more uncertain world.
Last December, NATO Leaders asked me to lead a forward-looking reflection. To future-proof our Alliance. That is why I launched NATO 2030. To make our strong Alliance even stronger. And fit to face any challenge. In the next decade and beyond.
My priorities for NATO 2030 are:
To ensure NATO remains a strong military Alliance. Becomes stronger politically. And takes a more global approach.
Let me go briefly through each of them.
First, we already are a strong military Alliance. In fact, in recent years we have had the biggest increase in our collective defence for a generation. With more investment. Modern capabilities. And higher readiness of our forces. This must continue.
I know that prioritising defence spending in the middle of a health crisis is not easy. But the threats that existed before the pandemic have not diminished. On the contrary. So the commitment we have all made to invest more in defence is as relevant as ever.
One of the reasons we need a strong military is for our fight against international terrorism. As we have been doing in Afghanistan for almost 20 years.

As you know, the United States has announced that it will reduce its presence in Afghanistan. But the NATO mission will remain. And we will continue to provide support to Afghan security forces.
No Ally wants to stay in Afghanistan for longer than is necessary. But we cannot risk Afghanistan becoming once more a platform for international terrorists to plan and organise attacks on our homelands. And we cannot let ISIS rebuild in Afghanistan the terror caliphate it lost in Syria and Iraq.
Therefore we will address NATO’s future presence in Afghanistan at our next Defence Ministers meeting in February. We will be faced with a difficult choice.
Either stay – and pay the price of a continued military engagement.
Or leave – and risk that the gains we have made are lost. And that the peace process falters.

This is not the time to conclude. But we have to remember that we went into Afghanistan together. And when the time is right, we should leave together, in a coordinated way.
The second priority of NATO 2030 is to strengthen NATO as a political Alliance.
NATO is the only place where the countries of Europe and North America meet every day. We need to build on this and use NATO even more as a forum for frank discussion, on a wide range of security issues. From Russia to the Middle East.
And from the security impacts of a rising China to climate change and arms control.
As well as how we deal with new and disruptive technologies.
For NATO to become stronger politically, we must continue to acknowledge that yes, we have our differences.
We have had them in the past, and we have them now. We must continue to address any differences frankly, as Allies and as friends.
This is what we have been doing, for instance, in the Eastern Mediterranean.
NATO provided the platform for Greece and Turkey to come together. On the basis of international law and Allied solidarity.
To establish a military de-confliction mechanism. And to cancel some planned military exercises. This type of military de-confliction can prevent dangerous incidents and accidents in the Eastern Mediterranean.
And it can create the opportunity for political discussions and diplomatic solutions to address underlying disputes.
Even in the most heated debate, we should not forget that what unites us is stronger than what divides us. That ultimately, we are NATO Allies. Committed to our core mission. To protect and defend one another.
And committed to our core values. Democracy, individual liberty, and the rule of law. Our voice is more powerful when we stand united.
The third priority of NATO 2030 is to take a more global approach.
We are a regional Alliance and will remain a regional Alliance. But the challenges we face are increasingly global. Terrorism, cyber threats, the proliferation of nuclear weapons, pandemics and disinformation campaigns. None of our countries, even the biggest ones, can deal with such challenges alone.
This is also true of our approach to China. China is not our enemy, but its rise is fundamentally shifting the global balance of power. Bringing many opportunities, especially for our economies. But also challenges to our security and our technological edge. Increasing the pressure on our values and our way of life.
And multiplying the threats to open societies and individual freedoms. So the rise of China requires our continued collective attention. To fully understand what it means for our security. And to act accordingly. Including by boosting the resilience of all of our nations. And by working even more closely with like-minded countries, and with organisations like the European Union. To defend the global rules and institutions that have kept us safe for decades.
I welcome the active contribution of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly to NATO 2030. Including through the survey of your members you conducted over the summer.
Your written report and discussions with the expert group. The lively debate you had last month with the Deputy Secretary General.
And the reports and resolutions to be adopted later at this Annual Session.

Your input will feed into my recommendations for NATO Leaders when they meet next year.
I am also consulting with youth leaders, civil society, industry, partners, and of course, with Allied capitals. All of you in the NATO Parliamentary Assembly play a crucial role in preparing NATO for the future, as we look to 2030 and beyond.
You ensure we stay safe militarily by deciding our defence budgets.
You make us stronger politically by upholding our values, debating our differences, and keeping our democracies strong.
And you help us take a more global approach. By bringing together well over 300 parliamentarians from all NATO Allies, associate countries and observer delegations.
So thank you for your many contributions, and for your continuing support for NATO.
I look forward to your comments and to your questions.

 

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Adapting NATO for 2030 and beyond​


Speech by NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg at the 66th Annual Session of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly​



(As delivered)




Thank you so much, President Mesterházy, dear Attila.
And thank you for your leadership of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly in this very difficult period.
I really enjoyed working with you and appreciate also the many phone calls we had during your tender as the President of the NPA.
Honourable members.
Dear friends and colleagues.
It is a pleasure to be with you all again.
I last addressed your Annual Session a year ago in London.
Since then, COVID-19 has changed our lives in ways we could barely have imagined.
None of the countries and communities you represent have been left untouched.
NATO Allies and our militaries have been supporting each other and our partners throughout this pandemic.
Transporting critical medical supplies, patients and experts. Setting up military field hospitals and securing borders. Supporting civilian efforts and helping to save lives.
As we now face the next wave, NATO has established a stockpile of medical supplies in Italy. It’s already being used to provide for Allies in need.
Just in the last few weeks, we have distributed hundreds of extra ventilators to our Allies in Albania, the Czech Republic, Montenegro and North Macedonia.
And we are ready to provide further assistance.

At the same time, we remain vigilant and ready. Because NATO’s main responsibility is to make sure this health crisis does not become a security crisis.
Our military readiness has been upheld. And our missions and operations continue.
From our battlegroups in the east of the Alliance. To Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq.
This is NATO adaptation at its best.
And this is what I want to talk to you about today. How NATO can continue to evolve, in the face of an ever-more uncertain world.
Last December, NATO Leaders asked me to lead a forward-looking reflection. To future-proof our Alliance. That is why I launched NATO 2030. To make our strong Alliance even stronger. And fit to face any challenge. In the next decade and beyond.
My priorities for NATO 2030 are:
To ensure NATO remains a strong military Alliance. Becomes stronger politically. And takes a more global approach.
Let me go briefly through each of them.
First, we already are a strong military Alliance. In fact, in recent years we have had the biggest increase in our collective defence for a generation. With more investment. Modern capabilities. And higher readiness of our forces. This must continue.
I know that prioritising defence spending in the middle of a health crisis is not easy. But the threats that existed before the pandemic have not diminished. On the contrary. So the commitment we have all made to invest more in defence is as relevant as ever.
One of the reasons we need a strong military is for our fight against international terrorism. As we have been doing in Afghanistan for almost 20 years.

As you know, the United States has announced that it will reduce its presence in Afghanistan. But the NATO mission will remain. And we will continue to provide support to Afghan security forces.
No Ally wants to stay in Afghanistan for longer than is necessary. But we cannot risk Afghanistan becoming once more a platform for international terrorists to plan and organise attacks on our homelands. And we cannot let ISIS rebuild in Afghanistan the terror caliphate it lost in Syria and Iraq.
Therefore we will address NATO’s future presence in Afghanistan at our next Defence Ministers meeting in February. We will be faced with a difficult choice.
Either stay – and pay the price of a continued military engagement.
Or leave – and risk that the gains we have made are lost. And that the peace process falters.

This is not the time to conclude. But we have to remember that we went into Afghanistan together. And when the time is right, we should leave together, in a coordinated way.
The second priority of NATO 2030 is to strengthen NATO as a political Alliance.
NATO is the only place where the countries of Europe and North America meet every day. We need to build on this and use NATO even more as a forum for frank discussion, on a wide range of security issues. From Russia to the Middle East.
And from the security impacts of a rising China to climate change and arms control.
As well as how we deal with new and disruptive technologies.
For NATO to become stronger politically, we must continue to acknowledge that yes, we have our differences.
We have had them in the past, and we have them now. We must continue to address any differences frankly, as Allies and as friends.
This is what we have been doing, for instance, in the Eastern Mediterranean.
NATO provided the platform for Greece and Turkey to come together. On the basis of international law and Allied solidarity.
To establish a military de-confliction mechanism. And to cancel some planned military exercises. This type of military de-confliction can prevent dangerous incidents and accidents in the Eastern Mediterranean.
And it can create the opportunity for political discussions and diplomatic solutions to address underlying disputes.
Even in the most heated debate, we should not forget that what unites us is stronger than what divides us. That ultimately, we are NATO Allies. Committed to our core mission. To protect and defend one another.
And committed to our core values. Democracy, individual liberty, and the rule of law. Our voice is more powerful when we stand united.
The third priority of NATO 2030 is to take a more global approach.
We are a regional Alliance and will remain a regional Alliance. But the challenges we face are increasingly global. Terrorism, cyber threats, the proliferation of nuclear weapons, pandemics and disinformation campaigns. None of our countries, even the biggest ones, can deal with such challenges alone.
This is also true of our approach to China. China is not our enemy, but its rise is fundamentally shifting the global balance of power. Bringing many opportunities, especially for our economies. But also challenges to our security and our technological edge. Increasing the pressure on our values and our way of life.
And multiplying the threats to open societies and individual freedoms. So the rise of China requires our continued collective attention. To fully understand what it means for our security. And to act accordingly. Including by boosting the resilience of all of our nations. And by working even more closely with like-minded countries, and with organisations like the European Union. To defend the global rules and institutions that have kept us safe for decades.
I welcome the active contribution of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly to NATO 2030. Including through the survey of your members you conducted over the summer.
Your written report and discussions with the expert group. The lively debate you had last month with the Deputy Secretary General.
And the reports and resolutions to be adopted later at this Annual Session.

Your input will feed into my recommendations for NATO Leaders when they meet next year.
I am also consulting with youth leaders, civil society, industry, partners, and of course, with Allied capitals. All of you in the NATO Parliamentary Assembly play a crucial role in preparing NATO for the future, as we look to 2030 and beyond.
You ensure we stay safe militarily by deciding our defence budgets.
You make us stronger politically by upholding our values, debating our differences, and keeping our democracies strong.
And you help us take a more global approach. By bringing together well over 300 parliamentarians from all NATO Allies, associate countries and observer delegations.
So thank you for your many contributions, and for your continuing support for NATO.
I look forward to your comments and to your questions.


Around 2030 we will see the end of NATO. The fact alone that they need a telescope and search for a purpose of that irrelevant allience speaks volumes.
 

Saithan

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Military lessons from Nagorno-Karabakh: Reason for Europe to worry​

The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war holds important lessons for European defence. European governments should study it urgently.


Gustav Gressel @GresselGustav on Twitter
Senior Policy Fellow
Commentary 24 November 2020

Azeri-military-in-nagorno-karabakh-scaled-1-864x486-c-default.jpg
FUZULI, AZERBAIJAN - NOVEMBER 18, 2020: An Azerbaijani soldier stands near the ruins of a destroyed military recruitment office.picture alliance/dpa/TASS | Gavriil Grigorov ©

In the last decade, it was no secret that Azerbaijan was steadily building up its armed forces. But, despite this, few experts predicted this month’s clear-cut military victory by Azerbaijan over Armenia. Much of this victory is credited to the technical and financial side of the war: Azerbaijan was able to afford more and it had Turkish and Israeli technology that was simply better than what Armenia had to draw on. But the lessons of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war go deeper and are more complex than just questions of technology. And they hold distinct lessons for how well Europe can defend itself.​

Lesson 1: Strategy and politics matter
The course of every war is influenced by the specific political circumstances that trigger it – and this war was no exception. Azerbaijan and Turkey were confident in the success of their offensive action, as Russia had from the onset of the war indicated that it had no intention of assisting the Armenians outside of their recognised borders. Russia also saw Azeri military pressure as a tool to weaken the Armenian prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, who headed the 2018 revolution that removed the old regime. Azeri action would, moreover, be likely to lead Armenia accept previously negotiated “peace plans” that would strengthen Moscow’s geopolitical position. This adverse political situation directly translated into military disadvantages on the battlefield for the Armenians.

Knowing Moscow’s tacit acceptance of a military intervention, Turkey based several F-16 fighters in Azerbaijan in October 2020 as a general deterrent. These were later used to sweep the sky of any Armenian ground-attack aircraft that tried to engage in combat. For its part, Armenia had just received eight Su-30 interceptors from Russia this summer, but did not even try to use them to contest the Azeri drones and F-16. The main reason for this was that Russia wanted Armenia not to enter into a direct confrontation with Turkey proper, and so it kept its aircraft on the ground. Russia effectively served air superiority on a diplomatic silver platter to Azerbaijan and Turkey. This proved decisive.

Lesson 2: Computers and networks matter
Like in Syria and Libya, Russian air-defence systems proved to be ineffective against small and slow drones. This has inspired a debate in the West about whether Russian air-defence systems are generally overrated. But this verdict would be premature.

Russia effectively served victory on a diplomatic silver platter to Azerbaijan and Turkey.

Armenia’s most ‘modern’ air-defence systems, the S-300PT and PS series and the 9K37M Buk-M1, were both developed in the 1980s. While the missiles are still potent, their sensors are designed to detect, identifiy and track fast-moving fighters, and their moving-target indicators disregard small, slow drones. Like many 1980s systems, a lot of computing is predetermined by hardware layout, and reprogramming requires an extensive refit of the entire system, which the Armenians had not done. These systems are also incapable of plot-fusion: accumulating and combining raw radar echoes from different radars into one aggregated situation report. Plot-fusion is essential to detecting small and low-observable targets such as advanced drones or stealth aircraft. None of the export versions of Russia’s air-defence systems that it has sold to Syria, Turkey, North Korea, and Iran are capable of plot-fusion. (In the latter two cases, these are disguised as ‘indigenous’ systems like the Raad or Bavar 373.) There is therefore a huge difference in performance between Russian air-defence systems protecting Russian bases in Armenia and Syria and those Russian air-defence systems exported to Armenia and Syria.

Azerbaijan’s drones roamed free because Armenia had no jammer able to interrupt the signals linking the drones to their guidance stations. Only in the last days of the war did Russia use the Krasukha electronic warfare system based at the Armenian city of Gyumri to interdict Azeri deep reconnaissance in Armenia proper. Still, the Azeris also used the Israeli Harop loitering munition, which was able to work under adverse conditions (although at reduced effectiveness) as it does not, unlike drones. require a guidance link. Hence among armies that are likely to prepare to fight wars in the future – not only the US, China, Russia but regional powers such as Turkey, Israel, and South Africa – this experience will certainly prompt further research into artificial intelligence and autonomous lethal weapons systems. Rather than banning this class of ammunition by a prohibitive arms control treaty, as envisioned by Europe, they will experiment with how to make use of the new technologies and best integrate autonomous lethal weapons systems into their combined-arms manoeuvre forces, thereby increasing their operational tempo and effectiveness.

Lesson 3: Fight ‘around’ the enemy’s strength
Before the war, on a tactical level the Armenian army was superior: it had better officers, more motivated soldiers, and a more agile leadership. In all previous wars with Azerbaijan, this proved to be decisive. But Azerbaijan found a way to work around it. This is where the drones came in: they allowed the Azeris to reconnoitre first the Armenian position and then the placement of reserves. Armenian positions then could be extensively shelled with conventional artillery, weakening their defences. Drones then guided the onslaught towards the Armenian reserves, bringing in artillery, multiple-rocket systems with cluster munitions, their own missiles, or using Israeli-made LORA ballistic missiles to destroy bridges or roads linking the reserves with the front. Once the Armenian side was incapable of sending reserves into battle, the Azeri army could move in any number it wished to overwhelm the isolated Armenian positions. This procedure was repeated day after day, chipping one Armenian position away each day and resupplying artillery during the night.

This tactic also worked well in mountainous territory the Armenians thought would be easy to defend. In the mountains, there is only one road connecting the front to the rear, which made it even easier for drones to spot targets. When the battle over Shusha demonstrated that the Armenians would not stand a chance even in this territory, the Armenian army started to disintegrate and Yerevan had no choice than to agree a ceasefire on adverse terms.

In the West, much of the drone discussion has focused on the technical side of drone warfare. But this aspect was less spectacular in this war. The numbers of vehicles claimed to be destroyed are most likely exaggerated – for example, this Azeri-language Sputnik report claims that more tanks were destroyed than the number of tanks Armenia has in active duty. The Azeri tactical use of drones was impressive, as was the way they embedded them in conventional armoured operations to work around the strength of the opponent’s armed forces. This intellectual creativity should probably be assigned to Turkish military advisers, who, by refining Azerbaijan’s way of fighting, contributed as much to Baku’s victory as the delivery of hardware.

Europe should look carefully at the military lessons of this conflict, and not dismiss it as a minor war between poor countries. Since the cold war, most European armies have phased out gun-based self-propelled air-defence systems. Man-portable air-defence systems (MANPADS) like the Stinger and Igla – the primary short-range air-defence systems in Europe – have little chance of acquiring such small targets like loitering munitions or small drones invisible to the operator. In the recent Nagorno-Karabakh war more MANPADS were destroyed by drones than they could shoot down drones themselves. No European army has a high-resolution sensor-fusion- or plot-fusion-capable armoured air-defence system to protect its own armour. Only France and Germany have (short range) anti-drone jammers and base-protection assets. Most of the EU’s armies – especially those of small and medium-sized member states – would do as miserably as the Armenian army in a modern kinetic war. That should make them think – and worry.


 

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Two Allies and one partner join the Maritime Unmanned Systems (MUS) Initiative​


NATO Allies Canada and Romania and NATO partner Australia joined the Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative on 20 November 2020. The Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative aims to strengthen the ability of navies to operate in a multinational context above, on, and under the water, in an increasingly complex maritime domain.

201120-mus_rdax_775x440.jpg


Together with the National Armaments Directors of the other 14 countries that participate in the initiative, the National Armaments Directors of Canada, Romania and Australia signed a corresponding amendment to the Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative Declaration of Intent in the margins of their virtual autumn meeting.

Australia’s accession to the Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative marks the first time that a NATO partner across the globe joins one of NATO’s multinational High Visibility Projects (HVP).

As a multinational hub, the Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative allows participants to work together on all aspects associated with introducing unmanned systems into their navies.

“New maritime unmanned systems technologies can be a game-changer in countering multiple threats in the maritime domain”, said the NATO Assistant Secretary General for Defence Investment Camille Grand. “Today the Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative has the pleasure to welcome Canada, Romania and our partner Australia as new members. This shows that our multinational projects are also to the benefit of all Allies and our partners across the globe”.

The Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative was launched by the Defence Ministers from thirteen Allies in October of 2018. Since then, the initiative has led to a range of activities, including operational experimentations, exchanges with the private sector on innovation and initial efforts to develop specific capabilities.

The introduction of maritime unmanned systems can create a fundamental shift in countering multiple threats in the maritime domain. For example, using Maritime Unmanned Vehicles can help effectively counter new submarines armed with more powerful weapons. They can also prevent military personnel from moving into risky situations in countering threats like sea mines.

The Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative enables Allies and partners to proactively shape these developments, combining the economies of scale and ingenuity offered by agile multinational cooperation.
With the arrival of the three new participants, the Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative now has 17 members: Canada, Romania and Australia, as well as Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Spain, Turkey, the United Kingdom and the United States.

 

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France and Germany sendt a proposition to NATO on including EU countries who are not part of NATO in their meetings.

It's expected that Turkey is going to Veto this.

I fucking hope so!
 

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Alman meclisinde Türkiye ile yaşanan gemi krizi tartışıldı. Alman Savunma Bakanı, vekillerden gelen Türkiye ile ilgili eleştirilere "Türkiye bir NATO partneri. Bu baş etmek zorunda olduğumuz bir realite" yanıtını verdi. Alman bakan, "Bir de şu Türkiye'nin NATO müttefiki olmadığı bir durumu düşünelim" ifadelerini kullandı.


"Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer mentions that Germany has to deal with the fact that Turkey is a NATO partner, and proceeds to mention a scenario where Turkey isn't a NATO partner."

I think many of these politicians don't understand what they're talking about.

Aside from that It's necessary for Turkey to become a nuclear power and solid economic nation. Have to diversify our export, but that would also require the rest of the world becoming more wealthy.
 

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Alliance's Ongoing Support for Georgia, Ukraine to be Discussed at NATO Ministerial​


1606834543215.png


Georgia and Ukraine will participate in discussions on Black Sea security at NATO Foreign Ministerial, reads the information on the NATO official webpage. The Ministerial will also discuss the continued support of both partners.


NATO Foreign Ministers will meet via secure video conference on Tuesday and Wednesday (1-2 December 2020) to discuss key issues for the Alliance. They include NATO’s continued adaptation, Russia’s military build-up, the rise of China, and NATO’s training mission in Afghanistan.

Ahead of the meeting, Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg said that Afghanistan had come a long way since NATO forces went into the country after the 9/11 attacks on the United States. He underlined NATO’s commitment to Afghanistan’s security and to the peace process: “In the months ahead, we will continue to assess our presence based on conditions on the ground. We face a difficult dilemma. Whether to leave, and risk that Afghanistan becomes once again a safe haven for international terrorists. Or stay, and risk a longer mission, with renewed violence. Whatever path we choose, it is important that we do so together, in a coordinated and deliberate way.”


Ministers will also address Russia’s military build-up around the Alliance, from the High North to Syria and Libya. In a separate session, they will be joined by Georgia and Ukraine to discuss the security situation in the Black Sea region and the Alliance’s ongoing support for both partners.


NATO Foreign Ministers will also assess the global shift in the balance of power with the rise of China. They will be joined by Asia-Pacific partners Australia, Japan, New Zealand and South Korea and also by Finland, Sweden, and the European Union High Representative. The Secretary General said: “China is not our adversary. Its rise presents an important opportunity for our economies and trade. We need to engage with China on issues such as arms control and climate change. But there are also important challenges to our security. China is investing massively in new weapons. It is coming closer to us, from the Arctic to Africa and by investing in our infrastructure. China does not share our values. It does not respect fundamental human rights and tries to intimidate other countries. We must address this together, both as NATO Allies, and as a community of like-minded countries.”


Ministers will also discuss NATO’s continued adaptation through the NATO 2030 initiative, including a report by an expert group appointed by the Secretary General. The Secretary General will continue his consultations with Allies, civil society, young leaders, parliamentarians and the private sector before putting forward his recommendations to NATO Leaders next year.


By Ana Dumbadze

 

Saithan

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Talking about removing Turkey and Hungary's right to veto, and targetting Turkey without mentioning it directly.

 
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Saithan

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Someone should have AQ, Hamas, etc. establish a new group call it something-democratic-forces/peace-union, and allow the old groups to be defunct empty shells. for sacrificial use.
 

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