TR Foreign Policy & Geopolitics

dBSPL

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Rather than focusing on establishing a joint military posture, we need to demonstrate how this can foster a consensus on economic and regional interests. Will Egypt and Turkiye sign a joint EEZ agreement in the Eastern Mediterranean? Will Saudi Arabia and Turkiye sign a framework agreement on the New Hijaz Railway and energy corridor? It’s not just from our perspective. There are certain steps that need to be taken to build trust even between Egypt and Saudi Arabia.

True deterrence emerges when countries align their interests and mutual dependence deepens. A military alliance framework is a natural extension of this, not the starting point. Most things that begin with grand rhetoric in this region are nothing more than empty talk with a lifespan as short as a few tea parties.
 

AlperTunga

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An opinion piece on Türkiye in the Israeli media:

The website is blocked in Türkiye so I'm sharing the article here.

Shay Gal - Israelhayom

Iran was the rehearsal. The Turkish file is open.

The Turkish file is already operational. It is architecture: Akkuyu, missiles, launch infrastructure, the Turkish occupied northern Cyprus, Somalia, Hamas sanctuary and funding, a defence industry, a leadership normalising escalation, a state aligning institutions and strategy. Components, not compartments. Integration is the risk.

Ankara's Foreign Ministry labelled Benjamin Netanyahu "the Hitler of our time" and vowed prosecution. Istanbul prosecutors indicted Netanyahu and 34 Israelis over the 2025 Global Sumud flotilla. Rhetoric and prosecution align. Not statements. Signals.

Erdogan's shift is operational. Denunciations gave way to Libya and Karabakh, followed by explicit intent: Turkey could "enter Israel" as it did there. Media normalised invasion, punishment and siege. His language is input.

Israeli planning follows execution logic. The same disciplines applied to nuclear infrastructure and terror command networks in the Iranian file have already been executed, including actions against Hamas operatives in Qatar in autumn 2025 and operations across multiple theatres. They are now applied to the Turkish one.

In Israeli planning, Erdogan's phrasing, precedents and timing are variables. The question is when he acts on them.

At Akkuyu, rhetoric meets vulnerability. Turkey's first nuclear plant, built, owned and operated by Russia's Rosatom on the Mediterranean coast, comes online late. Four VVER 1200 units, built for decades, supplying a tenth of Turkey's grid, lock Ankara into dependence on Russian technology, fuel and decommissioning. Erdogan's insistence on sovereign enrichment marks a shift from externally controlled infrastructure to national option space.

Israel demonstrated the model: programmes can be delayed, distorted and turned into liabilities long before a strike. Akkuyu fits that model. A reactor is defeated without being struck. It is delayed, driven into paralysis, constrained by export controls, burdened by sanctions and stranded politically until it becomes a prestige shell.

Three pressure layers. Regulatory pressure forces pauses, retrofits and oversight. Structural constraints, supply chains, services and financing remain exposed to sanctions or export controls. Alliance pressure raises cost directly. No veto. Only increasing difficulty sustaining expansion under scrutiny.

A nuclear plant is not a casual target. International humanitarian law sets a high bar where civilian harm risks escalation absent direct military use, but militarisation voids that insulation. The law defines cumulative triggers: shielding operational military assets, direct participation in attacks causing damage, and failure of non-kinetic measures. Once crossed, neutralisation begins with disablement of function, flow and integration.

Stuxnet, followed by Flame and Duqu, showed that nuclear infrastructure can be degraded at system level without airstrikes, through covert cyber operations and systemic disruption already applied in the Iranian file. The same tools. The same maps.

As Ankara approaches fuel cycle autonomy and extends military use along its coastline, the margin narrows. Akkuyu is mapped as a system no less precisely than by Ankara and Rosatom.

Akkuyu does not fall within the logic of Article 5. It is not a collective defence asset. It is a structural vulnerability embedded within alliance space. If its function shifts from civilian generation to operational enablement, action against it is assessed not as aggression but as response. Article 5 requires consensus. Where a facility contributes to threat architecture rather than alliance defence, that consensus does not form. From exposure to reach.

Erdogan has already defined the vector. After
To be widely dismissed by the West after unofficially labeling it a Sunni axis.
To be joyfully embraced by Israel as a threat towards the existence of it after officially labeling it as an evil axis of anti-Semite and anti-Israel.
Also this looks like High card at poker. No pairs. No set of three. Üç benzemez.
My two cents.

Rather than focusing on establishing a joint military posture, we need to demonstrate how this can foster a consensus on economic and regional interests. Will Egypt and Turkiye sign a joint EEZ agreement in the Eastern Mediterranean? Will Saudi Arabia and Turkiye sign a framework agreement on the New Hijaz Railway and energy corridor? It’s not just from our ;24. There are certain steps that need to be taken to build trust even between Egypt and Saudi Arabia.

True deterrence emerges when countries align their interests and mutual dependence deepens. A military alliance framework is a natural extension of this, not the starting point. Most things that begin with grand rhetoric in this region are nothing more than empty talk with a lifespan as short as a few tea parties.
Excellent comment, agree fully. Just military posturing without fundamental alignment would even backfire. But if Saudis show a portion of their generosity towards US, then it can help both Türkiye and them. So the ball here is rather with them and not with us.

Edit: ignore the first two extracts above, couldnt delete them.
 

TurkWolf

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Pakistan, Saudi, Egypt to hold talks on new regional security framework in Turkey next week - What's happening

Rather than focusing on establishing a joint military posture, we need to demonstrate how this can foster a consensus on economic and regional interests. Will Egypt and Turkiye sign a joint EEZ agreement in the Eastern Mediterranean? Will Saudi Arabia and Turkiye sign a framework agreement on the New Hijaz Railway and energy corridor? It’s not just from our perspective. There are certain steps that need to be taken to build trust even between Egypt and Saudi Arabia.

True deterrence emerges when countries align their interests and mutual dependence deepens. A military alliance framework is a natural extension of this, not the starting point. Most things that begin with grand rhetoric in this region are nothing more than empty talk with a lifespan as short as a few tea parties.

NATO worked because for decades there was one superpower that was stronger than the whole world combine to keep the alliance in order. Now this experiment is failing at the first sign of trouble. Naturally humans lookout for themselves first.
Or scenario like WW2 where all have a common enemy.

Tell me who is going to come help us when Greeks want to kill Cypriot Turks again? I have a feeling they'll be pointing fingers at us and blaming us for it.

But that's just me.
 
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AlperTunga

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NATO worked because for decades there was one superpower that was stronger than the whole world combine to keep the alliance in order. Now this experiment is failing at the first sign of trouble. Naturally humans lookout for themselves first.
Or scenario like WW2 where all have a common enemy.

Tell me who is going to come help us when Greeks want to kill Cypriot Turks again? I have a feeling they'll be pointing fingers at us and blaming us for it.

But that's just me.
We dont need anyone to come to our help. We just need money to produce weapons. SA has it. They can invest in our projects. We can establish there a base and send there, say 30 pilots. In case of war these pilots would come to our help with SA jets. But they can also help SA if air fight needed there. One can arrange stuff like that.
 

TurkWolf

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We dont need anyone to come to our help. We just need money to produce weapons. SA has it. They can invest in our projects. We can establish there a base and send there, say 30 pilots. In case of war these pilots would come to our help with SA jets. But they can also help SA if air fight needed there. One can arrange stuff like that.
Just clarify, I didn't mean we needed anyone's help we just need allies that're on our side for once.

And do we really need their investments? Not sure I agree there.
 

AlperTunga

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A further exanple: we sell SA 1000 Altays and hundreds of Gürz, Hisar, Siper etc. They are produced in Egypt, Pakistan, SA as well. 500 Altays and other systems to attack but also protect against Israeli jets move both from SA base and Egypt base in Sinai. Easiest places to attack Israel from land. We can also attack additionally from Suriye. Pakistan produces more A-bombs and distributes them to the „axis“. Such an attack cannot be fend off even with US help. Israel realizing this will have to agree to some sort of peace rather than going through military route.
 
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